Bhutan INTRODUCTION
Figure 1. Nepal: Zonal Administrative Divisions, 1991
THE HIMALAYAN KINGDOMS of Nepal and Bhutan share a
history of
influence by Tibet, China, and India, and an interlude of
British
colonial guidance. Although the kingdoms are not
contiguous, each
country is bordered by China to the north and India on its
other
peripheries. Both kingdoms are ruled by hereditary
monarchs and are
traditional societies with predominantly agricultural
economies;
their cultures, however, differ. Nepal's Hinduism, a
legacy of
India's influence, defines its culture and
caste-structured
society. Bhutan's Buddhist practices and culture reflect
India's
influence by way of Tibet. The two countries' legal
systems also
reflect their heritage. Nepal's judicial system blends
Hindu legal
and English common law traditions. Bhutan's legal system
is based
on Buddhist law and English common law.
Nepal has existed as a kingdom centered in the
Kathmandu Valley
for more than 1,500 years
(see
fig. 1). The country is
known for
its majestic Himalayas and has nine of the fourteen peaks
in th
world over 8,000 meters, including Mount Everest and
Annapurna I.
Modern Nepal began its evolution in the sixteenth
century with
the founding of the House of Gorkha by Dravya Shah in
1559. In the
late eighteenth century, Gorkha conquests extended the
kingdom
through the Himalayas for almost 1,500 kilometers from the
western
boundary of Garhwal, India, through the territory of
Sikkim in the
east. In the early nineteenth century, Gorkha power came
into
conflict with the British East India Company. The
resulting Anglo-
Nepalese War (1814-16) was devastating for Nepal: the
Treaty of
Sagauli reduced the kingdom to the boundaries it has since
occupied, less than 900 kilometers from east to west. For
almost
thirty years after the treaty was concluded, infighting
among
aristocratic factions characterized Nepal.
The next stage of Nepalese politics was the period of
hereditary Rana rule--the establishment of a dictatorship
of
successive Rana prime ministers beginning with Jang
Bahadur Kunwar
in 1846. During the period of Rana rule, which lasted
until the end
of 1950, Nepal was governed by a landed aristocracy;
parliamentary
government was in name only. This period provided
stability, but
also inhibited political and economic development because
the Ranas
isolated the country and exercised total control over
internal
affairs. Although during this period Nepal was a
constitutional
monarchy with universal suffrage granted at age eighteen,
political
parties were not formed until the mid-twentieth century
and were
later banned. The longevity of the Rana dictatorship was
also a
result of a partnership between the rulers and the army.
Patronage
ensured loyal soldiers: the military supported the Rana
prime
ministers and, later, the Shah monarchs, who were
figureheads
during Rana rule.
In January 1951, the Ranas were forced to concede to
the
restoration of the monarchy, which then assumed charge of
all
executive powers: financial management, appointment of
government
officials, and command of the armed forces. The latter
power became
an increasingly useful tool for enforcing control. In 1962
King
Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev devised the centrally
controlled
partyless council system of government called
panchayat (see Glossary).
This system served as the institutional basis
of the
king's rule and was envisioned by the palace as a
democratic
administration although it functioned only at the king's
behest.
Incorporated into the 1962 constitution, the
panchayat
system was established at the village, district, and
national
levels. Successive changes in government and
constitutional
revisions did not weaken the powers of the absolute
monarchy. In
fact, a May 1980 referendum reaffirmed the status quo of
the
panchayat system and its continuation as a rubber
stamp for
the king. Elections in 1981 and 1986 were characterized by
the lack
of political programs.
Government by an absolute monarch behind a democratic
façade
lasted for some thirty years. Although many party members
were
exiled to India, opposition to the government and the
panchayat system continued to grow, particularly in
the late
1980s when the outlawed political parties announced a
drive for a
multiparty system. A coalition between the Nepali Congress
Party
and the Communist Party of Nepal was formed in late 1989.
The
increasing disillusionment with and unpopularity of King
Birendra
Bir Bikram Shah Dev's regime and the worsening economic
situation
caused by the trade and transit dispute with India added
to the
momentum of the incipient prodemocracy movement.
The dissolution of the Berlin Wall and the Soviet
Union, and
the successes of the prodemocracy movements in Eastern
Europe in
the late 1980s and early 1990s, had an impact in Nepal. In
part as
a result of the participatory experiences of Nepalese in
India,
movements arose to effect changes in Nepal's government
and
society. Nepal's longstanding history of continuity of
rule and
relative stability was challenged when the Movement for
the
Restoration of Democracy, or prodemocracy movement, was
formally
established on February 18, 1990, almost forty years after
the end
of Rana control. Demonstrations and rallies--accompanied
by
violence, arrests, and even deaths--were held throughout
the
country. Political unrest became widespread. Ethnic groups
agitated
for official recognition of their cultural heritage and
linguistic
tradition and demonstrated against the monarchy. The goal
of the
prodemocracy movement, however, was to establish a more
representative democracy and to end the panchayat
system.
The demonstrations and protests characterizing the
prodemocracy
movement gained momentum when the ban on political parties
and
activities was lifted in April 1990. That same month, the
prime
minister resigned, the Council of Ministers and the
Rashtriya
Panchayat (National Panchayat, or Parliament) were
dissolved, and
talks with the opposition were begun. A multiparty interim
government replaced the panchayat system. The king
nominated
a four-member council, established a Constitution
Recommendation
Commission, and announced that he would begin an official
inquiry
into the deaths that had resulted from the prodemocracy
demonstrations. In mid-May, a general amnesty was declared
for all
political prisoners. A draft constitution was announced in
the
summer of 1990. King Birendra wanted the draft amended to
give him
more leverage, but subsequent negotiations did not yield
as much as
he desired. In November 1990, the king finally approved
and
promulgated a new, more democratic constitution that
vested
sovereignty in the people.
The panchayat system finally ended in May 1991,
when
general elections, deemed "generally fair, free, and open"
by an
international election inspection team, were held.
Approximately 65
percent of the populace voted. Although more than forty
political
parties registered with the election commission, only
twenty
political parties--mostly small, communist splinter
groups--were on
the ballot. The Nepali Congress Party won 110 of the 205
seats in
the House of Representatives, and the Communist Party of
Nepal
(United Marxist-Leninist) won 69 seats. Previously
operating in
exile and behind the scenes, the various communist and
other
parties and coalitions became a powerful presence in the
newly
constituted bicameral Parliament. Nepal continued its
gradual move
toward a multiparty democracy.
Prodemocracy protests continued unabated.
Demonstrations were
held on February 18, 1992, the second anniversary of the
founding
of the prodemocracy movement. In early April 1992, rival
student
groups clashed, and communist and leftist opposition
groups called
for a general strike as a response to double digit
inflation and a
more than 60 percent increase in water and electricity
tariffs. As
a result of skirmishes between the police and
demonstrators, a
curfew was imposed. In addition, the government banned
primary and
secondary schoolteachers from political activities and
from joining
or campaigning for political parties.
Elections to the village development committees and
municipalities were held in late May 1992; the elections
pitted the
various communist factions and other parties against the
Nepali
Congress Party administration of Prime Minister Girija
Prasad
(G.P.) Koirala. More than 90,000 civilian and security
personnel
were assigned to safeguard the elections. In contrast to
the May
1991 parliamentary election, the Nepali Congress Party
routed the
communists in the urban areas and even made some gains in
the rural
areas. The Nepali Congress Party won 331 positions, or 56
percent
of the seats, in the municipalities; the Communist Party
of Nepal
(United Marxist-Leninist) won 119 seats, or 20 percent of
the
seats; and other lesser parties won the remainder of the
seats. In
newly established village development committees, the
Nepali
Congress Party won 21,461 positions; the Communist Party
of Nepal
(United Marxist-Leninist) won 11,175 seats.
The Nepalese army has long been intertwined with the
monarchy;
the 1990 constitution, however, changed the relationship
between
the military and the king. For the first time, the
military no
longer was solely an instrument of the king; it was also
subordinate to the authority of Parliament. Although under
the
constitution the king retains his title as the supreme
commander of
the army, the functional commander in chief is appointed
on the
recommendation of the prime minister. Although both the
king and
the government are responsible for implementing national
security
and military policy, the king's power to declare a state
of
national emergency and to conduct foreign affairs has
national
security implications.
Nepal is noted for its famed Gurkha soldiers. Gurkhas
served
both at home and abroad in the British, Indian, Singapore,
and
Brunei armies. Their remittances to Nepal were of primary
importance to the economy and served as an important
source of
foreign exchange. By 1997, however, the number of Gurkhas
serving
in the British army is expected to be reduced from 8,000
to 2,500
persons, and the Gurkha garrison in Hong Kong is scheduled
to be
withdrawn gradually in the period up to 1995. As of April
1992, a
token number of Gurkhas was serving in a United Nations
peacekeeping force in the former Yugoslavia.
The difficulty of replacing Nepal's long tradition of
autocracy
with a democracy, coupled with the economic challenges
posed by
physical geography and location, was daunting. As of 1992,
many of
the prescribed changes had only just been instituted, or
were still
to come. Many observers expected that the populist
experiment of a
multiparty democracy would meet with eventual failure and
that the
monarchy and the army would return to some type of
power-sharing
formula.
Nepal's population, estimated in 1990 as approximately
19.1
million, is very diverse. The country is home to more than
a dozen
ethnic groups, which originate from three major ethnic
divisions:
Indo-Nepalese, Tibeto-Nepalese, and indigenous Nepalese.
Ethnic
identity--distinguished primarily by language and
dress--constrains
the selection of a spouse, friendships, and career, and is
evident
in social organization, occupation, and religious
observances.
Hinduism is the official religion of Nepal, although, in
fact, the
religion practiced by the majority of Nepalese is a
synthesis of
Hinduism and Buddhism and the practices have intermingled
over
time. The socioeconomic ramifications of the country's
diversity
have proven problematic for Nepal in the late twentieth
century.
Considered a least-developed country, Nepal depends
heavily on
farming, which accounts for most of the country's gross
domestic
product. The work force is largely unskilled and mostly
illiterate.
Nepal's industrial base was established in the 1930s, but
little
process has been made in improving economic performance.
In the
early 1990s, tourism was one of the largest sources of
foreign
exchange; visitors from the United States were the most
numerous.
Social status in Nepal is measured by economic
standing.
Landownership is both a measure of status and a source of
income.
Women occupy a secondary position, particularly in
business and the
civil service, although the constitution guarantees
equality
between men and women. Nepalese tribal and communal
customs dictate
women's lesser role in society, but their status differs
from one
ethnic group to another and is usually determined by
caste.
As of 1992, education was free and compulsory for five
years;
however males had literacy rates about three times higher
than the
rates for females and higher school enrollment levels.
There were
relatively few other social services in the country. The
absence of
modern medical care, clean drinking water, and adequate
sanitation
resulted in the prevalence of gastrointestinal diseases.
Malnutrition was also a problem, particularly in rural
areas. A
period of drought in 1992 was expected to cause further
food
shortages, especially of grain. The country has
consistently had
high morbidity and death rates.
Economic assistance from other countries, especially
India, has
been vital to Nepal. Since the 1980s, however, bilateral
aid and
multilateral assistance programs from countries other than
India
have been an increasingly important part of development
planning.
Nepal has received aid from both the United States and
communist
countries.
In the late twentieth century, Nepal's foreign policy
continued
to be affected by its geostrategic location between China
and India
and its attempt to maintain a balance between these
powerful
neighbors. Nepal's relationship with India is governed by
the 1950
Treaty of Peace and Friendship and its accompanying
letters, which
established an informal military alliance whereby both
countries
are required to consult and "devise effective
countermeasures" in
case the security of either is threatened. Since the
1970s,
however, Nepal has exhibited greater independence in its
foreign
policy, establishing bilateral diplomatic relations with
other
countries and joining various multilateral and regional
organizations.
Nepal, for example, belongs to the United Nations and
its
affiliated agencies such as the Group of 77, as well as
the
Nonaligned Movement and the Asian Development Bank. It is
also a
member of the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation
(SAARC), founded in 1983, initially under a slightly
different
name, as an institutionalized framework for regional
cooperation;
its permanent secretariat was established in 1987 in
Kathmandu. It
does not accept compulsory United Nations International
Court of
Justice jurisdiction.
One of India's longstanding sources of power over Nepal
has
been India's control of access to raw materials and supply
routes.
The effect of this control was especially evident during
the 1989
trade and transit dispute--and its aftermath--when the
foreign
trade balance was negatively affected and the economy took
a
downturn.
In early 1992, Nepal's relations with India were
clouded by
controversy over the December 1991 agreement for
cooperation on a
hydroelectric and irrigation project at Tanakpur, near the
southwestern Nepalese--Indian border. The Communist Party
of Nepal
(United Marxist-Leninist) and other leftist parties
opposed the
project, which they regarded as against Nepal's national
interest
because the site, on Nepalese territory, was not covered
by a
formal treaty. The constitution stipulates that treaties
need
parliamentary assent if exploitation of the nation's
natural
resources is involved. Prime Minister G.P. Koirala said he
had
signed a memorandum of understanding, not a treaty. The
opposition
took their case to the Supreme Court.
Military relations between Kathmandu and New Delhi were
cordial. In March 1992, the Indian chief of army staff
visited
Nepal and was made an honorary general of the Royal Nepal
Army, an
uncommon occurrence.
Nepal's relations with China were low-key and an
exercise in
caution. Nonetheless, India interpreted sales of air
defense
weapons by China to Nepal in 1988 as interfering with its
treaty
arrangements with Nepal. Nepal and China, however, signed
technical
and economic cooperation agreements in March 1992.
Bhutan has its own distinct history, although it shares
Nepal's
Himalayan geography and neighbors
(see
fig. 2). Only
one-third the
size of Nepal, Bhutan also has a much smaller population:
estimated
at about 600,000 persons in 1990 as compared to a
population of
over 19 million in Nepal.
The precursor of Bhutan, the state of Lhomon or Monyul,
was
said to have existed between 500 B.C. and 600 A.D. At the
end of
that period, Buddhism was introduced into the country; a
branch of
Mahayana Buddhism is the state religion of Bhutan. Bhutan
was
subject to both Indian and Tibetan influences, and small
independent monarchies began to develop in the country by
the early
ninth century. Religious rivalry among various Buddhist
subsects
also influenced political development; the rivalry began
in the
tenth century and continued through the seventeenth
century, when
a theocratic government independent of Tibetan political
influence
united the country. From that time until 1907, the Kingdom
of
Bhutan, or Drukyul (literally land of the Thunder Dragon),
had a
dual system of shared civil and spiritual (Buddhist) rule.
In 1907
the absolute monarchy was established, and the hereditary
position
of Druk Gyalpo, or Dragon King, was awarded to the
powerful
Wangchuck family. Since 1972, Jigme Singye Wangchuck has
held the
position of Druk Gyalpo.
The Druk Gyalpo controls the executive, legislative,
and
judicial branches of the government. The monarchy is
absolute, but
the king is admired and respected and is referred to by
the people
as "our King." The Council of Ministers and Royal Advisory
Council
are part of the executive branch of government. The
legislative
branch is made up of the unicameral National Assembly, or
Tshogdu,
whose members are either indirectly elected or appointed
by the
Druk Gyalpo. Bhutan has neither a written constitution nor
organic
laws. The 1953 royal decree on the Constitution of the
National
Assembly is the primary legal, or constitutional, basis
for that
body and sets forth its rules and procedures. The Supreme
Court of
Appeal, in effect the Druk Gyalpo, is the highest level
court;
judges are appointed by the Druk Gyalpo. There are no
lawyers. The
civil code and criminal code are based on
seventeenth-century
concepts.
Under Jigme Singye Wangchuck, Bhutan's centrally
controlled
government system has been instrumental in initiating
greater
political participation. In the early 1990s, however,
there were
still no legal political parties--although there were
elite
political factions--and no national elections. There was
no overt
communist presence. Each family was allowed one vote in
village-
level elections. Local government was divided into zones,
districts, subdistricts, and village groups, and meetings
were
regularly held at the village and block (gewog)
levels,
where issues were decided by public debate. The complex
administrative network of consultation and decisionmaking
by
consensus obscured the need for national elections. At the
1992
session of the National Assembly, support for the
hereditary
monarchy was unanimously reaffirmed.
Like Nepal, Bhutan has a diverse population. It is home
to four
ethnic groups: Ngalop--of Tibetan origin; Sharchop--of
Indo-
Mongoloid origin; aboriginal, or indigenous, tribal
peoples; and
Nepalese. In the early 1990s, the first three groups made
up about
72 percent of the population. According to this estimate,
the
Nepalese comprised approximately 28 percent of the
population;
other estimates suggested that 30 to 40 percent might be
Nepalese.
The Nepalese constituted a majority in southern Bhutan,
where, in
an effort to maintain traditional culture and control, the
government has tried to confine their immigration and
restrict
their residence and employment. In the early 1990s, only
approximately 15 percent of the Nepalese in Bhutan were
considered
legal permanent residents; only those immigrants who had
resided in
Bhutan for fifteen or twenty years--the number of years
depended on
their occupational status and other criteria--were
considered for
citizenship. Nepalese immigrants who were asked to leave
because
their claims to citizenship did not conform to the 1985
Citizenship
Act openly voiced their discontent with the government.
Illegal
immigrants often were militant antinationals.
In the 1980s, the Bhutanese, believing their identity
threatened by absorption of a growing Nepalese minority
and the
specter of annexation by India, promulgated a policy of
driglam
namzha, "national customs and etiquette." This policy,
sought
to preserve and enhance Bhutanese cultural identity and
bolster
Bhutanese nationalism. The policy mandated the wearing of
national
dress for formal occasions and the use of the official
language,
Dzongkha, in schools. In 1989, it was decreed that Nepali,
which
had been offered as an optional language, was no longer to
be
taught in the schools. Subsequent government decrees
contributed to
a growing conflict with ethnic Nepalese, who sought to
maintain
their own identity and viewed these edicts as restrictive.
Ethnic
strife increased as the aftereffects of Nepal's
prodemocracy
movement spread to Bhutan, where Nepalese communities
demonstrated
against the government in an effort to protect their
rights from
the driglam namzha policy. Expatriate Nepalese
political
groups in Nepal and India supported these antigovernment
activities, further alienating the Bhutanese.
Bhutan's military force, the Royal Bhutan Army, is very
small;
in 1990 it numbered only 6,000 persons. The Druk Gyalpo is
the
supreme commander of the army, but daily operations are
the
responsibility of the chief operations officer. The army's
primary
mission is border defense although it also assists the
Royal Bhutan
Police in internal security matters.
Bhutan, like Nepal, is considered a least-developed
country.
Its work force is largely unskilled, and a wide gap exists
between
the rich and the poor. Farming is the mainstay of the
economy and
accounts for most of the gross domestic product. Although
Bhutan
did not begin to establish its industrial base until the
1950s,
careful economic planning and use of foreign aid have
resulted in
measurable improvements in economic efficiency and
performance over
the last four decades. As is the case in Nepal, tourists
bring in
a major portion of the country's foreign exchange.
Social status in Bhutan, as in Nepal, depends primarily
on
economic standing in the community. Specifically, it
depends on
landownership, occupation, and perceived religious
authority. The
society is male dominated. Although as of 1992 the
government
officially encouraged increased participation of women in
political
and administrative life, women remained in a secondary
position,
particularly in business and the civil service. Bhutanese
women,
however, do have a dominant social position, and land
often passes
to daughters, not to sons. Bhutan's traditional society is
both
matriarchal and patriarchal; the head of the family is the
member
in highest esteem. However, men predominate in government
and have
more opportunities for higher education than do women.
As of 1992, education in Bhutan is free for eleven
years but
not compulsory. Men have literacy rates about three times
higher
than those for women, and school enrollment levels are
higher for
males. As is the case in Nepal, social services are not
widespread.
Modern medical care is lacking, as is clean drinking water
and
adequate sanitation. Not surprisingly, gastrointestinal
diseases
are widespread. Nutrional deficiencies are also prevalent;
serious
malnutrition, however, does not appear to be a problem.
Like Nepal,
the country had high morbidity and death rates in the
early 1990s.
Foreign aid, grants, and concessionary loans
constituted a
large percentage of Bhutan's budget in the early 1990s.
Like Nepal,
Bhutan received foreign assistance from the United
Nations, the
Colombo Plan (see Glossary),
the Asian Development Bank,
the World Bank (see Glossary),
and the Organization of Petroleum
Exporting
Countries, as well as official development assistance and
other
official flows. Because Bhutan had no formal diplomatic
relations
with the United States as of 1992, no official aid was
forthcoming
from Washington.
As has been the case in Nepal, Bhutan's foreign policy
has been
affected by its geostrategic location. From the seventh
century
until 1860, the country's foreign policy was influenced by
Tibet;
next followed a period of British guidance over foreign
affairs.
After India received independence from Britain in 1947,
Bhutan came
under India's influence. Thimphu and New Delhi's
relationship is
governed by the 1949 Treaty of Friendship between the
Government of
India and the Government of Bhutan--in force in
perpetuity--which
calls for peace and noninterference in internal affairs
and New
Delhi's guidance and advice in external relations. Like
Nepal,
however, Bhutan is exhibiting greater independence in its
foreign
policy, and by the early 1990s was, in effect, autonomous
in its
foreign relations. Thimphu has established bilateral
diplomatic
relations with other countries and has joined various
multilateral
and regional organizations. Bhutan belongs to the United
Nations,
as well as to organizations such as SAARC, the Nonaligned
Movement,
and the Asian Development Bank. It does not accept
compulsory
United Nations International Court of Justice
jurisdiction.
Both Nepal and Bhutan were facing refugee problems in
the early
1990s; statistics on the number of refugees come from
diverse
sources and are discrepant. In April 1992, the United
Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees estimated that since 1986 more
than
30,000 ethnic Nepalese had left Bhutan because of
political
discontent, poor employment prospects, or because they
were
considered illegal immigrants. A much higher figure is
projected by
G.P. Koirala, Nepal's prime minister, who has estimated
that in the
early 1990s Nepalese from Bhutan seeking to escape the
sanctions
imposed by driglam namzha arrived in Nepal at the
rate of
200 persons daily.
Antinationals in Bhutan used the growing number of
southern
Bhutanese-Nepalese in the refugee camps within Nepal as a
means to
publicize and internationalize their plight. To this end,
they
encouraged Nepalese to leave Bhutan and also encouraged
Nepalese
from India to enter the camps. For Bhutan, the departure
of the
Nepalese often meant the loss of skilled laborers;
however, it also
resulted in the exodus of unwanted agitators. For Nepal,
the
refugees were an added economic burden--more people
needing
housing, food, clothing, education, and other social
services.
Living conditions in the refugee camps within Nepal were
reported
to be poor. As of mid-1992, the camps were filled with
people
holding Nepalese citizenship cards, Bhutanese citizenship
cards,
and UNHCR certificates attesting they were "Bhutanese
refugees."
However, because each party seeks to present its own case,
all
statistics and statements related to the Nepalese refugee
situation
must be viewed cautiously.
The refugee problem presented a challenge to India,
which
needed to balance its interests in maintaining Bhutan's
stability
with the necessity of not inflaming nationalist passions
among its
own ethnic Nepalese population and not upsetting its
relations with
either Nepal or Bhutan. India would not allow its
territory to be
used as a staging ground for protests by Bhutanese
residents of
Nepalese origin. The situation was further complicated by
the fact
that Indian laborers who entered Nepal in search of work
displaced
underemployed and unemployed Nepalese workers.
* * *
September 10, 1992
Since the introduction was written, the events of late
1992 and
early 1993 in Nepal and Bhutan have been a continuum of
the past
few years. The refugee issue has continued to be
problematic. The
leaders of both Nepal and Bhutan met with India's leaders
in late
1992 and early 1993; all the parties reaffirmed that the
issue was
an internal matter that should be resolved through
bilateral talks
between Nepal and Bhutan. In spite of the agitation and
activities
of antinationals in the south, Bhutan's National Assembly
passed a
National Security Act in late 1992 that abolished the
death penalty
for crimes of treason as stipulated in a 1957 law,
providing
instead for life imprisonment.
In December 1992, the Supreme Court of Nepal ruled
against
Prime Minister G.P. Koirala's signing of a December 1991
accord for
hydroelectric power cooperation with India at Tanakpur.
After their
victory, Koirala's opponents in the Nepal Communist Party
(United
Marxist-Leninist) pressed him to step down--he refused. As
a result
of the court's decision, however, Kathmandu said the
Koirala
government would present the Tanakpur accord and its
relevant
documents to the next parliamentary session for
ratification--a
step that would have otherwise been bypassed.
Nepal also passed laws in December 1992 to encourage
foreign
(and local) investment by creating a more favorable
investment
environment. Foreigners will be allowed to repatriate
earnings and
hold total equity in new projects.
March 3, 1993
Andrea Matles Savada
Data as of September 1991
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