Dominican Republic Chapter 4. Dominican Republic: Government and Politics
View of the Alcázar de Colón, the home of Spanish
governor, Diego Columbus
THE ROOTS OF DEMOCRACY were not deep in the Dominican
Republic. The country traditionally had been mostly poor,
rural,
and underdeveloped. It had a weak economy, largely based
on sugar
exports, and it lacked the social and the political
infrastructures--political parties, interest groups, and
effective government institutions--necessary for
democratic rule.
Thus, for most of their history the people of the
Dominican
Republic had lived under authoritarian governments.
In addition, the international climate had not favored
democracy and development. The Dominican Republic, a
small,
dependent nation, poor in resources, shared the island of
Hispaniola (La Isla Española) with more populous but even
poorer
Haiti. Tensions between the two nations could be traced
back to
the nineteenth century, when Haiti controlled the entire
island
(1822-44), or farther back, to the era of colonial rule by
the
Spaniards. The Dominican Republic's economy, historically
oriented toward the export of primary products for the
world
market, was dependent on fluctuating world market prices
for
those products, or on the quotas set by major
importers--factors
beyond the Dominican Republic's control. Moreover, the
country's
strategic location in the Caribbean, astride all the major
sea
lanes linking North America and South America and leading
into
the Panama Canal, exposed the country to the buffeting
winds of
international politics, or led to its occupation by major
powers
such as Spain, Britain, France, The Netherlands, and, most
recently, the United States. The nation's almost
inevitable
entanglement in international conflicts afforded it little
opportunity to develop autonomously.
Beginning in the early 1960s, however, many things
began to
change in the Dominican Republic. Per capita income in the
late
1980s was four times what it had been in 1960. The
country's
population was approximately 70 percent urban (the
corresponding
figure in 1960 was 30 percent), more literate (in about
the same
proportion), and more middle class. Political institutions
had
developed and had become more consolidated. The country's
international debt continued to be a major problem and a
severe
drain on the economy, but in general the Dominican
Republic's
economic position within the international community was
more
stable than it had been in past decades. These changed
conditions
made the climate more conducive to democracy than it had
been at
any previous time.
In 1961 assassins ended the thirty-one-year
dictatorship of
Rafael Leónidas Trujillo Molina. There followed five years
of
instability that witnessed a short-lived democratic regime
under
Juan Bosch Gaviño, the military overthrow of Bosch, a
Bosch-led
revolution in 1965, civil war, United States intervention,
and
the restoration of stability in 1966 under a former
Trujillo
puppet, Joaquín Balaguer Ricardo. Balaguer governed for
the next
twelve years, until forced to bow to the electorate's
desire for
change in 1978. That year Silvestre Antonio Guzmán
Fernández, of
Bosch's party, the Dominican Revolutionary Party (Partido
Revolucionario Dominicano--PRD), won the presidency.
Guzmán was
succeeded by another PRD leader, Salvador Jorge Blanco
(1982-86).
In 1986 the shrewd, but aging, Balaguer won four more
years as
president in another fair and free election.
There was, therefore, a democratic breakthrough in the
Dominican Republic in the early 1960s that led to
instability,
conflict, intervention, and eventually an authoritarian
restoration. In 1978, however, a new democratic opening
occurred.
Whether this new democracy would be more permanent than
other
frustrated efforts in the past, or the Dominican Republic
would
again revert to instability and authoritarianism, remained
to be
seen.
Data as of December 1989
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