Jordan
Chapter 5. National Security
Mosaic of a walled city entitled Castron Mephaon, from the Umm ar Rasas
pavement in a Byzantine church, c. 780
IN ASSESSING THE DIMENSIONS of national security in Jordan, it is essential
to recall that for centuries conflicts and rivalries of differing political and
religious ideologies have generated tension and crisis in this region. Since
achieving sovereignty in 1946, Jordan has experienced such destabilizing traumas
as the assassination of the country's first king and subsequently of two prime
ministers, five Arab-Israeli wars, a vicious civil war with Palestinian
(see Glossary) guerrillas, and repeated assassination attempts targeting King
Hussein ibn Talal ibn Abdullah ibn Hussein Al Hashimi.
Jordan not only has survived in this volatile climate but also as of 1989,
the thirty-sixth year of Hussein's reign, it had achieved a degree of stability
in its domestic situation and in its relations with its neighbors. The king's
position has been strongly reinforced by the allegiance of the Jordan Arab Army,
the former Arab Legion. A highly motivated, disciplined force with impressive
firepower and mobility despite its compact scale, the Jordan Arab Army has been
regarded as the most competent of any Arab army in the Middle East. In contrast
to the Syrian, Iraqi, or Israeli armies, however, Jordanian troops have not been
tested by exposure to major conflict for many years.
Jordan's international security situation in 1989 seemed less precarious than
it had been at almost any time in the past. Relations with surrounding states
were on a relatively solid footing. The border facing Israeli-held territories
was peaceful. Jordan had succeeded in suppressing attacks from its land that
might bring Israeli retaliation, except for isolated incursions into
Israeli-held territory by extremist elements of the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO). Although differences remained between Jordan and various
Palestinian leaders over the approaches to Arab-Israeli peace negotiations,
Jordan's relations with the dominant Yasir Arafat wing of the PLO were less
strained than with Syrian-supported extremists such as the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine-General Command. Disruptive actions by Palestinian
militants in Jordan were curbed quickly by the security forces. Worries that the
uprising (intifadah) among Palestinians under Israeli occupation might
spill over to the Palestinian population of Jordan had not materialized. Unrest
arising from the deteriorating economic situation in 1989 had been directed
against the prime minister rather than the institutions of the monarchy.
Jordan's military posture was based primarily on the possibility of conflict
with Israel, although on its own Jordan would be unable to counter a full-scale
Israeli attack. The country's borders also were exposed to a long-term threat
from a potentially hostile Syria. Jordan retained sufficient capability to give
an aggressively inclined neighbor pause, but it did not have the resources to
keep pace with the buildup of modern arms by nearby countries of the Middle
East. As of 1989, however, most observers considered the prospect of armed
conflict between Jordan and Israel, Syria, or other states in the region as
remote.
Jordan has had a tradition of military cooperation with Britain and the
United States, and its organizational pattern, the outlook of its military
leaders, training concepts, and weapons arsenal have reflected these links. The
United States Congress had prevented the executive branch from providing Jordan
with certain advanced ground and air weapons in the late 1980s. Forced to shift
to other sources of equipment, Jordan turned to France as the principal supplier
of combat aircraft and to the Soviet Union for an array of air defense missile
systems. Even with heavy reliance on financial backing from other Arab
countries, notably Saudi Arabia, defense imposed a heavy burden on the nation's
frail economy. By the late 1980s, Jordan's deepening domestic economic plight
had combined with the tapering off of Arab aid to place severe pressure on the
military budget.
Backed by a traditionally loyal military and the efficient forces of public
order, Hussein's throne appeared to be secure. Nonetheless, in an era of rapidly
evolving weapons technology, a constant effort would be necessary to maintain
the credibility of national security institutions as the guarantors of Jordan's
domestic stability, its territorial integrity, and its role as a moderating
factor in Middle East peace efforts.
Data as of December 1989
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