Jordan Hussein's Early Reign
A fresco from the palace of an eighth century Umayyad
caliph at Qasr Amrah, east of Amman
The chief influences that guided the young Hussein were the
example and teachings of his grandfather and his own education in
conservative English schools. Although Jordan was a constitutional
monarchy, as king Hussein had extensive legal powers. For example,
the Constitution allowed him to dismiss the National Assembly and
to appoint the prime minister and other ministers. In addition, he
enjoyed the traditional support of the East Bank beduin tribes.
Considered the backbone of the Hashimite monarchy, the Arab Legion
was composed of intensely loyal beduins, whose equipment and
salaries were paid for by Britain.
The majority of Jordan's population, however, did not consist
of beduins. Between one-half and two-thirds of Hussein's subjects
were Palestinians, whereas the government elite was mostly from the
East Bank. This elite was more conservative and traditional in its
political attitudes than the Palestinians, whose spokespersons
often reflected a radical brand of Arab nationalism. In Cairo the
successful coup d'état carried out by the Egyptian Free Officers
movement (headed by Gamal Abdul Nasser) had overthrown the monarchy
in July 1952 and established a republic. Palestinians, who
generally blamed Britain, the United States, and the Hashimites for
their misfortunes, regarded Nasser as a champion of Arab
nationalism.
As border incidents with Israel escalated into a succession of
reprisals and counterreprisals between Palestinian infiltrators and
Israeli security forces, Hussein's problems grew. The Arab Legion
tried to secure the armistice line and prevent infiltration, but
its numbers were inadequate to provide complete and continuous
coverage of the border. In response to the terrorist attacks,
Israel adopted the technique of massive retaliation that often went
deep into Jordanian territory
(see Jordan - The Guerrilla Crisis
, this ch.).
In 1953 and early 1954, Israel tentatively accepted a United
States plan (the Eric Johnston Plan) for distribution of the water
taken from the Jordan River. Although the plan was recognized as
technically sound from an engineering standpoint, ultimately it was
rejected by Jordan and the other Arab states concerned because it
involved cooperation with--and the implied recognition of--Israel.
Given the stress of inter-Arab political relationships, it was
impracticable for Jordan to initiate a settlement with Israel, even
though there were strong incentives to do so.
Britain agreed to a new financial aid arrangement with Jordan
in 1954 in which London evinced an interest in coordinating
military and economic aid to Amman, with Jordanian participation,
in the context of an overall Middle Eastern defense system. In
February 1955, Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan joined Britain in
signing the Baghdad Pact, which ultimately became the Central
Treaty Organization (CENTO). A high-ranking British military
delegation visited Amman to discuss conditions under which Jordan
might also become a participant. The purpose of the visit was
generally known, and Arab nationalist propaganda, especially from
Palestinians and Radio Cairo, raised a storm of protest denouncing
the pact and the monarchy as "tools of Western imperialism" and a
"sellout to the Jews." In December Hussein asked Hazza al Majali to
form a government. Majali came from a distinguished family of
tribal shaykhs and was known to be pro-Western. Shortly after
forming his cabinet, he stated unequivocally that he intended to
take Jordan into the Baghdad Pact. Three days of demonstrations and
rioting in Amman began after the announcement, and the Arab Legion
was called in to restore order. The Majali government resigned
after only a week in power, and it became clear that Jordan would
not become a signatory of the Baghdad Pact.
In March 1956, Hussein, responding to the public reaction
against joining the British-sponsored Baghdad Pact, attempted to
show his independence from Britain by dismissing Glubb as commander
of the Arab Legion. Glubb's dismissal precipitated a diplomatic
crisis that threatened to isolate Hussein from his principal
benefactor, Britain. Relations were strained for many years
although the British subsidy was not withdrawn.
Hussein designated Ali Abu Nuwar, an officer known for his
nationalist sympathies, as Glubb's successor in the Arab Legion.
The name of the force was officially changed to the Jordan Arab
Army, and British officers were phased out of the service
(see Jordan - World War II to 1967
, ch. 5).
Border incidents with Israel were a continuing source of
anxiety in 1956. In October an Israeli task force, supported by
aircraft and artillery, attacked the West Bank village of
Qalqilyah, killing forty-eight persons in reprisal for a guerrilla
attack in Israel. Palestinians clamored for war, and in this crisis
atmosphere Jordanian politics ventured into anti-Western
nationalism.
In the parliamentary elections of October 21, 1956, the
National Socialist Party received a plurality of votes, and Hussein
designated its leader, Sulayman Nabulsi, as prime minister. Several
National Front Party (Communist Party of Jordan) members and
members of the Baath Party (Arab Socialist Resurrection Party) also
gained seats in the National Assembly, although independents and
the older, conservative parties were represented about equally with
the leftists and nationalists. Nabulsi was an ardent admirer of
Nasser and shaped the policies of his government accordingly.
Nonetheless, when Israel attacked Egyptian forces in the Sinai
Peninsula on October 29 and after British and French forces landed
at Port Said on November 5, Nabulsi suddenly proved indecisive.
Hussein proposed that Jordan attack Israel at once but Nasser
discouraged him from wasting Jordan's forces in a war that by then
was already lost. British participation in the attack on Egypt made
it politically imperative that Jordan end its special relationship
with Britain.
Under the Arab Solidarity Agreement that resulted from the Arab
summit meeting in Cairo in January 1957, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and
Syria undertook to pay Jordan the equivalent of US$35.8 million
annually for ten years, with Saudi Arabia paying an amount
equivalent to that paid by Egypt and Syria together. The money
would effectively free Jordan from the British subsidy. Saudi
Arabia, however, made only one quarterly payment; Egypt and Syria
made no payments. The Anglo-Jordanian Agreement of March 1957
abrogated the basic Anglo-Jordanian Treaty of 1948, terminated the
British subsidy, and initiated the turnover of British
installations and the withdrawal of all British troops still in
Jordan.
In early 1957, Jordan's internal political scene shaped up as
a power struggle between the monarchy and the Nasserist Nabulsi
government. Hussein and the conservatives suspected that Nabulsi
was maneuvering to abolish the monarchy. Nabulsi began negotiations
to open diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and obtain
Soviet arms aid. As political tension increased, in April Hussein,
exercising his constitutional prerogative, demanded the resignation
of the Nabulsi government.
The situation was further confused when, commander of the
Jordan Arab Army (then still popularly known in English as the Arab
Legion), Ali Abu Nuwar made a statement to Said al Mufti, who was
then attempting to form a caretaker government. Said al Mufti
misinterpreted the statement to be an ultimatum that any new
cabinet be approved by the army. A sequence of dramatic events
followed that became known as the "Az Zarqa affair." The public in
Amman, sensing the explosive political atmosphere, became restive.
Rumors that the king was dead spread at the main army base at Az
Zarqa. Taking Abu Nuwar with him, to demonstrate that he, the king,
was very much alive and that he was in control, not Abu Nuwar,
Hussein set off for Az Zarqa. En route he met several truckloads of
troops, who were overjoyed at seeing the king alive but who
demanded the execution of Abu Nuwar. At Abu Nuwar's request,
Hussein allowed him to retreat to the safety of the royal palace.
Continuing to Az Zarqa, Hussein spent several hours amid wildly
enthusiastic troops anxious to demonstrate their loyalty to him and
to the throne; he returned to Amman after reassuring and quieting
the troops. On the next day, Abu Nuwar fled the country. During the
balance of April, several cabinet crises occurred, as the remnants
of the Nabulsi faction fought a rearguard action against Hussein.
Ibrahim Hashim, a Hussein loyalist, eventually succeeded in forming
a government and outlawed all political party activity.
Hussein had won a remarkable political victory. What had
mattered most was the loyalty of the combat units of the army, and
that loyalty clearly belonged to the king. But Jordan was
beleaguered--Nasserites were arrayed against the king, the British
subsidy was gone, the Arab Solidarity Agreement had evaporated, and
the rift was wider than ever between the East Bank and the West
Bank. To counteract these disabilities, Hussein unequivocally
placed his country in the Western camp and sought a new source of
aid--the United States.
Data as of December 1989
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