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Colombia Relations with Latin America
Traditionally, Colombia's diplomatic and economic
interests in
the rest of Latin America were limited mainly to its
neighboring
rival, Venezuela. Colombia did not begin to identify with
and pay
more attention to other Latin American countries and to
the
English-speaking Caribbean until the mid-1970s. Although
Colombia's
internal violence in the 1950s soured its relations with
its
neighbors, the nation's regional relations became largely
congenial
and its trade ties prospered with the creation of the
National
Front in 1957.
As a result of Colombia's commitment to subregional
economic
integration during the 1960s, it began to perceive
economic
relations largely in Latin American or Andean terms and no
longer
simply followed United States leadership in regional and
economic
security relations. In 1969 Colombia signed the Cartagena
Agreement
establishing the Andean Group
(see Foreign Economic Relations
, ch.
3).
Within a few years after the signing of the agreement,
however,
Colombia encountered difficulties in its relations with
the Amdeam
Group nations as a result of domestic politics. By the
mid-1970s,
Colombian policy makers--concerned that the nation was
giving up
more than it was receiving in tariff reductions--began to
lose
enthusiasm for the Andean Group. They continued to favor
subregional economic integration, however, and Colombia's
economic
relations with the rest of Latin America increased
considerably
after the creation of the Latin American Free Trade
Association
(LAFTA) and the Andean Group. Like most other Latin
American
countries, Colombia joined the Latin American Economic
System
(Sistema Económica Latinoamericana--SELA), which was
created in
1975 to promote regional cooperation on trade and other
economic
matters. On July 3, 1978, Colombia joined seven other
Latin
American countries in signing the Amazon Pact, a Brazilian
initiative designed to coordinate the joint development of
the
Amazon Basin. Colombia also joined LAFTA's successor, the
Latin
American Integration Association (Asociación
Latinoamericana de
Integración--Aladi), created in 1980 to reduce trade
barriers among
Andean countries and coordinate economic policies.
Beginning in the late 1970s, Colombia also sought to
develop a
regional leadership role for itself by increasing its
influence in
the Caribbean. Colombia first joined the Caribbean
Development Bank
and then began expanding its trade with Caribbean
countries.
Nonetheless, Mexico and Venezuela remained Colombia's only
significant trading partners in the Caribbean Basin
region.
The Betancur administration placed a somewhat higher
priority
on relations with Central America. Colombia traditionally
had very
little experience in or contact with nearby Central
America, but
Colombians' awareness of the region increased considerably
during
the Betancur administration. In pursuit of Betancur's key
foreign
policy objective--peace in Central America--Colombia
joined with
Mexico, Venezuela, and Panama in January 1983 to form the
Contadora
Group. Betancur had proposed the Contadora initiative for
three
main reasons: he believed that it was consonant with
Colombia's
tradition of multilateral diplomacy, that Nicaragua had a
right to
self-determination, and that the United States should not
intervene
militarily and unilaterally in Nicaragua.
Betancur took an active role in other regional or
interAmerican forums. Serving as mediator between Latin debtor
nations
and creditor countries, he hosted a key meeting of
representatives
from eleven Latin American countries at Cartagena in June
1984 to
discuss ways to obtain softer repayment terms on the
region's
US$350 billion foreign debt. As president of a country
with a
relatively small and well-balanced debt, Betancur
counseled
moderation on debt issues, advising the governments to
increase
incentives for foreign investment to reduce dependence on
foreign
credits instead of forming a "debtors' cartel." Betancur
remained
within the mainstream of Latin American foreign policy in
his
approach to other issues of general regional concern. In
addition
to supporting Argentina in the South Atlantic War, he
supported
Bolivia's aspirations for territorial access to the
Pacific Ocean
and to Belize's guaranteed territorial integrity.
Betancur came under heavy criticism in Colombia for his
higher
profile in Western Hemisphere politics, particularly his
mediation
attempts in Central American political conflicts, at the
expense of
domestic issues. Betancur became less sympathetic toward
Nicaragua
as a result of its alleged involvement in supporting the
M-19's
Palace of Justice takeover in November 1985 and Managua's
surprise
renewal, in April 1986, of its territorial claim to Isla
de San
Andrés and Isla de Providencia. Although the islands had
been under
Colombian rule for generations, Nicaragua claimed in a
press
conference that the 1928 Barcenas-Esguerra Treaty
recognizing
Colombian sovereignty over the island territories was
invalid
because Nicaragua signed it at a time when United States
troops
occupied the country.
Barco had campaigned on a platform promising a lower
profile
for Colombia in the Contadora peace process and greater
attention
to Colombia's relations with its immediate neighbors.
Accordingly,
after taking office, Barco reduced Colombia's involvement
in
Contadora and Nonaligned Movement activities. He
continued,
however, to develop Colombia's bilateral relations in
Latin
America.
Although Colombia's relations with Venezuela have been
more
extensive than with any other state in the region, border
disputes
and territorial differences often caused those relations
to be
tense and acrimonious. During the Lleras Restrepo
presidency in the
late 1960s, Colombia attempted to negotiate contracts with
foreign
oil companies to do offshore exploratory drilling on the
continental shelf of the Golfo de Venezuela, which may
contain up
to 10 billion barrels of petroleum. Caracas protested that
the gulf
was an inland waterway whose waters were "traditionally
and
historically Venezuelan." Both nations tacitly agreed in
1971 to
suspend exploratory operations in the area until final
agreement
was reached. Nevertheless, the issue subsequently heated
up again.
At Venezuela's urging, talks to establish stricter
boundary limits
began in 1979. Several shooting incidents in the gulf in
the 1981-
86 period led both countries to mobilize troops along the
border
and engage in a minor arms race
(see Geopolitical Interests
, ch.
5). Despite a series of talks on the issue held between
the
Colombian and Venezuelan foreign ministers in 1986, little
progress
was made toward agreement. Barco hoped to submit the
dispute to the
International Court of Justice in The Hague, but the
Venezuelan
government of President Jaime Lusinchi opposed outside
mediation.
The already tense relations between Colombia and
Venezuela
flared up again in mid-August 1987, when the Lusinchi
government
claimed that a Colombian warship had penetrated Venezuelan
territorial waters. Both sides immediately increased their
military
presence in the border area, but Colombia was far
outmatched by
Venezuela. The Colombian defense ministry's request to
Congress in
September 1987 to quadruple the military budget to US$2.5
billion
appeared to be related in part to the border dispute.
Additional border problems included the approximately 1
million
illegal or undocumented Colombians who had entered
Venezuela since
the 1950s, cross-border guerrilla attacks by Colombian
rebel
groups, and drug trafficking. In 1988 Colombian peasant
migrants
outnumbered Venezuelans by fifteen to one in some border
areas.
Venezuelans generally had a low regard for the Colombian
immigrants, whereas the Colombians resented the
free-spending
Venezuelans. These Colombians--seeking security, jobs, and
higher
wages--worked as domestics and in other menial positions
shunned by
Venezuelans. Although many Colombians remained in
Venezuela, others
crossed the border illegally to work seasonally, returning
home
every year with their earnings. This migration contributed
to the
large volume of illegal and contraband trade that
flourished in the
border regions.
Barco proposed a broad dialogue with Venezuela in
August 1987
to encompass border issues such as contraband and the
narcotics
trade. In January 1988, Venezuela called for joint action
with
Colombia to control the growing activities of Colombian
drug
traffickers and leftist guerrillas along and inside
Venezuela's
western borders. The Venezuelan proposal was prompted in
part by a
surge of kidnappings of Venezuelan ranchers by Colombian
guerrillas, who held their hostages for ransom on the
Colombian
side of the border. Venezuela was also concerned about
Colombian
drug traffickers who had begun developing Venezuela as an
important
transshipment point for cocaine en route to the United
States or
Western Europe.
Data as of December 1988
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