Cyprus PROBLEMS OF INTERNAL SECURITY
Relatives demonstrating for information about the fate of
the 1,600 Greek Cypriots missing in action since the summer of 1974
Courtesy Embassy of Cyprus, Washington
There has been little political violence in Cyprus
since the
Turkish invasion of 1974. Violence on behalf of enosis,
which had
been prevalent from 1955 until the invasion, was rejected
by the
vast majority of Greek Cypriots after 1974, although union
with
Greece continued to command strong emotional appeal in the
right
wing. Moreover, Turkish troops acted as a deterrent
against
terrorist operations aimed against the Turkish presence or
threatening change in the status quo. Turkish sources have
claimed
that the Republic of Cyprus supplied arms and possibly
even
guerrilla-warfare training to Kurdish and Armenian
opponents of the
Turkish government at secret camps in the Troodos
Mountains, but
such allegations have been rejected by the Greek Cypriot
authorities, and most observers thought it unlikely that
such
activities could be carried out clandestinely.
Nonetheless, leaders
of the Kurdish rebels had been received officially by
members of
the Cyprus House of Representatives, and a former head of
the
National Guard had reportedly visited training camps for
Kurdish
guerrillas in Syria.
EOKA B became a factor of diminishing importance after
its role
in the coup of July 1974, although it continued to be
involved in
some violence against the Makarios government. Fears that
the
organization might conduct a terrorist campaign against
Turkish
occupation in the north never materialized. Many former
EOKA B
activists accepted an offer of amnesty from Makarios,
while several
dozen of the most extreme leaders, including Nicos
Sampson, were
arrested and imprisoned. A law enacted in 1977 provided
the basis
for purging EOKA B members from the public service, the
police, and
the National Guard. In early 1978, the group announced its
formal
dissolution. During the 1980s, there was no further EOKA B
activity, although veterans of the group came together
periodically
on patriotic occasions, as did other disbanded
paramilitary groups.
Sampson returned to Cyprus from exile in June 1990, but
was
immediately arrested by the Greek Cypriot police.
The danger of intercommunal violence was greatly
reduced by the
buffer provided by UNFICYP. It was feared initially that
refugees
from the north after the Turkish intervention in 1974
might resort
to arms in an effort to regain lost houses and property.
The rapid
recovery of the economy in southern Cyprus, coupled with
large
amounts of international aid, enabled the refugees to be
accommodated and absorbed by the community. Although
permanent
housing had by 1990 been provided for all of the refugees,
many
still wished to return to their homes; this desire was a
source of
emotion and tension, but not of significant violence.
Beginning in 1987, a series of demonstrations known as
the
Women's Walk Home were carried out by Greek Cypriot women
trying to
force their way into Turkish-controlled territory. For the
most
part, the women were turned back without casualties by
UNFICYP and
Turkish security personnel after entering the buffer zone
and
sometimes advancing a few meters into the Turkish-occupied
north.
The most serious incident occurred in July 1989, when
about 1,000
women and religious leaders, some displaying Greek flags,
crossed
the buffer zone without interference from the Greek
Cypriot police,
spearheaded by a group of men who pushed aside barriers.
More than
100 were arrested by Turkish Cypriot forces, and some
women were
injured in scuffling. The arrested women were released
within a few
days, but ten men, including two priests, were detained
for ten
days. In March 1990, five youths were sentenced to jail
terms of up
to three months for infiltrating Turkish Cypriot territory
and
attempting to pull down a Turkish flag. The Women's Walk
Home was
mainly an effort to bring pressure on the Greek Cypriot
government
to stand firm on issues of freedom of movement and
settlement and
compensation for property in the negotiations with the
Turkish
Cypriots. Nevertheless, it had the potential to provoke a
confrontation of forces in the buffer area.
The spillover of terrorism from the Middle East
injected
additional tensions and violence unconnected to the
conflict
between the Greek-and Turkish-speaking communities. With
its
strategic location, Cyprus had increasingly been used as a
transit
point for the movement of individuals and arms as well as
terrorist
actions arising out of the fighting in Lebanon and the
Arab-Israeli
dispute. The presence of missions of Syria, Libya, and
Israel and
a liaison office of the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) all
within close proximity in Nicosia complicated the efforts
of the
Greek Cypriot authorities to counter the security threat.
With the curtailment of direct air service to Beirut, a
relatively safe way of travel to war-torn Lebanon was by
flying to
Cyprus and then continuing by ferry. Palestinian terrorist
groups
regularly transited the island to other destinations,
particularly
to Eastern Europe. A weekly flight of the Iranian airline
linking
Tehran with Cyprus also facilitated the movement of
terrorists.
Helicopter flights connected Cyprus with the beseiged
Christian
enclaves in Beirut, permitting the movement of personnel
and arms.
A number of international incidents involving
Palestinians or
Lebanese refugees occurred in the late 1980s. In 1985
three
Israelis were murdered aboard their private yacht in
Larnaca harbor
by gunmen linked to the PLO. This action provoked a
damaging raid
six days later by the Israeli air force against the PLO
headquarters in Tunisia. In 1988 seven PLO officials were
killed in
two car bombings in Cyprus, and a ship slated to carry
Palestinian
deportees to Israel was bombed at its dock in Limassol.
The Abu
Nidal terrorist organization, headquartered in Libya, was
suspected
in an attempt to bomb the Israeli Embassy; the bomb
exploded some
distance from the embassy, killing one of the terrorists
and two
Cypriots. In October 1989, six Lebanese were found guilty
of
possessing Soviet SAM-7 antiaircraft missiles with the
intent of
shooting down an airplane carrying the Lebanese dissident
Christian
leader, General Michel Aoun.
Other violence was linked to protests over the
continued
existence of British bases on the island and their use by
the
United States. In 1986 British service personnel and their
dependents were targets of attacks by groups believed to
be linked
with Libya. The attacks were believed to be in retaliation
against
Britain for making its bases in England available for
United States
raids against Libya.
The Greek Cypriot communist party, known as the
Progressive
Party of the Working People (Anorthotikon Komma
Ergazomenou
Laou--AKEL) has campaigned vigorously against the bases
and the use
of them for United States intelligence-gathering. AKEL
also
proclaimed its opposition to what it regarded as the
linkage of
Cyprus to NATO through the bases, the presence of the
United States
Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean, and United States
"provocation"
against Libya, all of which were perceived as threatening
the peace
and security of the region. Despite its adamant foreign
policy,
AKEL has never pursued a violent course in pressing its
political
demands nor has it been regarded as a security threat.
Data as of January 1991
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