Indonesia WORLD WAR II AND THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE, 1942-50
The Japanese Occupation, 1942-45
A Japanese soldier watching oil tanks near Jakarta set
afire by the retreating Dutch, March 1942
Courtesy Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress
The Japanese occupied the archipelago in order, like
their
Portuguese and Dutch predecessors, to secure its rich
natural
resources. Japan's invasion of North China, which had
begun in July
1937, by the end of the decade had become bogged down in
the face
of stubborn Chinese resistance. To feed Japan's war
machine, large
amounts of petroleum, scrap iron, and other raw materials
had to be
imported from foreign sources. Most oil--about 55
percent--came
from the United States, but Indonesia supplied a critical
25
percent.
From Tokyo's perspective, the increasingly critical
attitude of
the "ABCD powers" (America, Britain, China, and the Dutch)
toward
Japan's invasion of China reflected their desire to
throttle its
legitimate aspirations in Asia. German occupation of the
Netherlands in May 1940 led to Japan's demand that the
Netherlands
Indies government supply it with fixed quantities of vital
natural
resources, especially oil. Further demands were made for
some form
of economic and financial integration of the Indies with
Japan.
Negotiations continued through mid-1941. The Indies
government,
realizing its extremely weak position, played for time.
But in
summer 1941, it followed the United States in freezing
Japanese
assets and imposing an embargo on oil and other exports.
Because
Japan could not continue its China war without these
resources, the
military-dominated government in Tokyo gave assent to an
"advance
south" policy. French Indochina was already effectively
under
Japanese control. A nonaggression pact with the Soviet
Union in
April 1941 freed Japan to wage war against the United
States and
the European colonial powers.
The Japanese experienced spectacular early victories in
the
Southeast Asian war. Singapore, Britain's fortress in the
east,
fell on February 15, 1941, despite British numerical
superiority
and the strength of its seaward defenses. The Battle of
the Java
Sea resulted in the Japanese defeat of a combined British,
Dutch,
Australian, and United States fleet. On March 9, 1942, the
Netherlands Indies government surrendered without offering
resistance on land.
Although their motives were largely acquisitive, the
Japanese
justified their occupation in terms of Japan's role as, in
the
words of a 1942 slogan, "The leader of Asia, the protector
of Asia,
the light of Asia." Tokyo's Greater East Asia
Co-Prosperity Sphere,
encompassing both Northeast and Southeast Asia, with Japan
as the
focal point, was to be a nonexploitative economic and
cultural
community of Asians. Given Indonesian resentment of Dutch
rule,
this approach was appealing and harmonized remarkably well
with
local legends that a two-century-long non-Javanese rule
would be
followed by era of peace and prosperity.
The Japanese divided the Indies into three
jurisdictions: Java
and Madura were placed under the control of the Sixteenth
Army;
Sumatra, for a time, joined with Malaya under the
Twenty-fifth
Army; and the eastern archipelago was placed under naval
command.
In Sumatra and the east, the overriding concern of the
occupiers
was maintenance of law and order and extraction of needed
resources. Java's economic value with respect to the war
effort lay
in its huge labor force and relatively developed
infrastructure.
The Sixteenth Army was tolerant, within limits, of
political
activities carried out by nationalists and Muslims. This
tolerance
grew as the momentum of Japanese expansion was halted in
mid-1942
and the Allies began counteroffensives. In the closing
months of
the war, Japanese commanders promoted the independence
movement as
a means of frustrating an Allied reoccupation.
The occupation was not gentle. Japanese troops often
acted
harshly against local populations. The Japanese military
police
were especially feared. Food and other vital necessities
were
confiscated by the occupiers, causing widespread misery
and
starvation by the end of the war. The worst abuse,
however, was the
forced mobilization of some 4 million--although some
estimates are
as high as 10 million--romusha (manual laborers),
most of
whom were put to work on economic development and defense
construction projects in Java. About 270,000
romusha were
sent to the Outer Islands and Japanese-held territories in
Southeast Asia, where they joined other Asians in
performing
wartime construction projects. At the end of the war, only
52,000
were repatriated to Java.
The Japanese occupation was a watershed in Indonesian
history.
It shattered the myth of Dutch superiority, as Batavia
gave up its
empire without a fight. There was little resistance as
Japanese
forces fanned out through the islands to occupy former
centers of
Dutch power. The relatively tolerant policies of the
Sixteenth Army
on Java also confirmed the island's leading role in
Indonesian
national life after 1945: Java was far more developed
politically
and militarily than the other islands. In addition, there
were
profound cultural implications from the Japanese invasion
of Java.
In administration, business, and cultural life, the Dutch
language
was discarded in favor of Malay and Japanese. Committees
were
organized to standardize Bahasa Indonesia and make it a
truly
national language. Modern Indonesian literature, which got
its
start with language unification efforts in 1928 and
underwent
considerable development before the war, received further
impetus
under Japanese auspices. Revolutionary (or traditional)
Indonesian
themes were employed in drama, films, and art, and hated
symbols of
Dutch imperial control were swept away. For example, the
Japanese
allowed a huge rally in Batavia (renamed Jakarta) to
celebrate by
tearing down a statue of Jan Pieterszoon Coen, the
seventeenthcentury governor general. Although the occupiers
propagated the
message of Japanese leadership of Asia, they did not
attempt, as
they did in their Korean colony, to coercively promote
Japanese
culture on a large scale. According to historian Anthony
Reid, the
occupiers believed that Indonesians, as fellow Asians,
were
essentially like themselves but had been corrupted by
three
centuries of Western colonialism. What was needed was a
dose of
Japanese-style seishin (spirit; semangat in
Indonesian). Many members of the elite responded
positively to an
inculcation of samurai values.
The most significant legacy of the occupation, however,
was the
opportunities it gave for Javanese and other Indonesians
to
participate in politics, administration, and the military.
Soon
after the Dutch surrender, European officials,
businessmen,
military personnel, and others, totaling around 170,000,
were
interned (the harsh conditions of their confinement caused
a high
death rate, at least in camps for male military prisoners,
which
embittered Dutch-Japanese relations even in the early
1990s). While
Japanese military officers occupied the highest posts, the
personnel vacuum on the lower levels was filled with
Indonesians.
Like the Dutch, however, the Japanese relied on local
indigenous
elites, such as the priyayi on Java and the
Acehnese
uleebalang, to administer the countryside. Because
of the
harshly exploitative Japanese policies in the closing
years of the
war, after the Japanese surrender collaborators in some
areas were
killed in a wave of local resentment.
Sukarno and Hatta agreed in 1942 to cooperate with the
Japanese, as this seemed to be the best opportunity to
secure
independence. The occupiers were particularly impressed by
Sukarno's mass following, and he became increasingly
valuable to
them as the need to mobilize the population for the war
effort grew
between 1943 and 1945. His reputation, however, was
tarnished by
his role in recruiting romusha.
Japanese attempts to coopt Muslims met with limited
success.
Muslim leaders opposed the practice of bowing toward the
emperor (a
divine ruler in Japanese official mythology) in Tokyo as a
form of
idolatry and refused to declare Japan's war against the
Allies a
"holy war" because both sides were nonbelievers. In
October 1943,
however, the Japanese organized the Consultative Council
of
Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi), designed to create a united
front of
orthodox and modernist believers. Nahdatul Ulama was given
a
prominent role in Masyumi, as were a large number of
kyai
(religious leaders), whom the Dutch had largely ignored,
who were
brought to Jakarta for training and indoctrination.
As the fortunes of war turned, the occupiers began
organizing
Indonesians into military and paramilitary units whose
numbers were
added by the Japanese to romusha statistics. These
included
the heiho (auxiliaries), paramilitary units
recruited by the
Japanese in mid-1943, and the Defenders of the Fatherland
(Peta) in
1943. Peta was a military force designed to assist the
Japanese
forces by forestalling the initial Allied invasion. By the
end of
the war, it had 37,000 men in Java and 20,000 in Sumatra
(where it
was commonly known by the Japanese name Giyugun). In
December 1944,
a Muslim armed force, the Army of God, or Barisan
Hizbullah, was
attached to Masyumi.
Data as of November 1992
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