Jordan Chapter 2. The Society and Its Environment
Mosaic of a gazelle from a Byzantine church in Amman,
ca. 500-700
WHEN THE AMIRATE of Transjordan was created by the British in 1921,
the vast majority of the people consisted of an assortment of
tribally organized and tribally oriented groups, some of whom were
sedentary cultivators and some nomadic or seminomadic. The total
population was fewer than 400,000 people. By 1988 nearly 3,000,000
people, more than half of whom were Palestinians, inhabited the
region east of the Jordan River-Dead Sea-Gulf of Aqaba line,
referred to as the
East Bank (see Glossary). The term
Palestinians refers narrowly to citizens of the British
mandated territory of Palestine (1922-48). In general usage,
however, the term has come to refer to Muslims or Christians
indigenous to the region between the Egyptian Sinai and Lebanon and
west of the Jordan River-Dead Sea-Gulf of Aqaba line who identify
themselves primarily as Palestinians. Narrowly defined, the term
Transjordanian referred to a citizen of the Amirate of
Transjordan (1921-46). Generally speaking, however, a
Transjordanian was considered a Muslim or Christian indigenous to
the East Bank region, which was within the approximate boundaries
of the contemporary state of Jordan. The formerly rural society of
Jordan had been transformed since independence into an increasingly
urban one; by 1985 nearly 70 percent of the population resided in
urban centers that were growing at an annual rate of between 4 and
5 percent.
In the late 1980s, class polarization was increasingly evident.
Nonetheless, a variety of social forces (such as national identity
and regional or tribal affiliation) continued to cut across class
lines. The uprooting of so many East Bank citizens from their
places of origin contributed to social fragmentation. In addition
to the Palestinians, who retained a strong sense of national
identity and outrage at the loss of their homeland, many
Transjordanians had migrated from their rural and or desert
villages to urban centers in search of work for themselves and
education for their children. Many Transjordanians thus shared a
sense of loss and rootlessness.
Probably the most important force supporting cohesion and
integration was the Arab-Islamic cultural tradition common to all
but a few members of the society. Arabic, a potent force for unity
throughout the Middle East, was the mother tongue of the
overwhelming majority of residents. Also, more than 90 percent of
the population adhered to
Sunni (see Glossary) Islam. These
commonalities, although important, have been insufficient to forge
an integrated society.
Every year since the late 1950s, increasing numbers of Jordan's
youth have received formal training in the country's rapidly
expanding education system. By the late 1980s, all children aged
six years to twelve years were attending free and compulsory
primary schools. Nearly 80 percent of children between the ages of
thirteen and fifteen attended three-year preparatory schools, also
free and compulsory. But possession of an education, once a near
certain vehicle for upward mobility, no longer guaranteed
employment. Unemployment was probably one of the most critical
issues facing Jordan in the late 1980s. It was accompanied by
growing political frustration and radicalization over the
Palestinian uprising (intifadah) in the Israeli-occupied
West Bank (see Glossary).
Data as of December 1989
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