MoldovaRussia
Window display on Russian hostilities in Transnistria, Chisinau
Courtesy Paul E. Michelson
People waiting in line for bread, Chisinau
Courtesy Matt Webb
In the case of Russia, interethnic conflict in Moldova
produced results similar to those that followed outbreaks
of
violence in other former republics of the Soviet Union
soon after
they had proclaimed their independence. Intrinsically,
Moldova
was probably of little interest to Moscow, but the
presence of an
ethnic Russian minority in Moldova altered Moscow's
perspective.
Moldova's ethnic Russians found the prospect of Moldova's
reunification with Romania alarming, because it would
alter their
status from that of a large and politically powerful force
to
that of a small and politically powerless minority.
Moldova was
geographically important to both the Russian Empire and
the
Soviet Union because it formed part of the border of both.
In
this way, it formed a barrier between Russia itself (in
both
cases, the ruling entity) and the outside world.
Although officially neutral, the Russian 14th Army
(stationed
in Transnistria) played a vital role in the conflict
between the
government of Moldova and the "Dnestr Republic." Its
commanders
permitted the transfer of weapons from their stockpiles in
Moldova to the Transnistrian militia and volunteered the
services
of
"Cossack" (see Glossary)
forces that entered the region
once
fighting broke out (there were approximately 1,000
"Cossacks" in
Transnistria in 1994). Furthermore, strong indications
suggested
that elements of the 14th Army actively intervened on the
side of
the separatists during the fighting, using their heavy
weapons to
turn the tide in the fighting when necessary.
Eventually, however, it became evident that the
Transnistria
conflict was not about ethnic issues (especially once
implementation of the language law of 1989 was delayed,
and the
Popular Front extremists lost much of their power), but
about
political systems. The Transnistrian leadership wanted to
return
to the days of the Soviet Union and was wary of the
Yeltsin
government (it never repudiated its support of the August
1991
coup d'état) and the reformists.
In July 1992, an agreement negotiated by presidents
Snegur
and Yeltsin established a cease-fire in Transnistria,
which
brought an end to the worst of the fighting in Moldova.
Transnistria was given special status within Moldova and
was
granted the right to determine its future should Moldova
reunite
with Romania. Russian, Transnistrian, and Moldovan
peacekeeping
troops subsequently were introduced into Transnistria.
Maintaining the agreement was, however, complicated by
the
instability of Russia's central government and by the
implications of the 14th Army's involvement for Russia's
domestic
politics. The 14th Army's commander, Lieutenant General
Aleksandr
V. Lebed', was politically extremely conservative and,
despite
repeated warnings from his superiors to restrain himself,
had
stated publicly that he would not "abandon" Transnistria's
ethnic
Russians. Like Lebed', Russia's conservatives generally
considered abandonment of the ethnic Russian minority to
be an
anathema. In 1995 nationalists in Russia (whose strength
was
growing) were ready to protect the "rights" of Russians in
the
"near abroad" and would, no doubt, politically attack
moderates
who might be willing to end the conflict through
compromise.
By 1994, however, relations between the Transnistrian
leadership and the 14th Army had deteriorated to the point
that
both sides were accusing each other of corruption
(including arms
trafficking, drug running, and money laundering) and
political
provocation. General Lebed' also saw many in the
Transnistrian
leadership as not cooperating with Russian efforts to
mediate the
conflict and as actively hampering the peace process.
After the 1994 change in Moldova's government,
compromises
were made by both the Moldovan and the Russian governments
to
improve relations over the issue of Transnistria. The
status of
the 14th Army was scheduled to be reduced to that of an
"operational group," General Lebed' was to be released
from his
position, and the number of officers was to be reduced.
The two
countries signed an agreement in October on the withdrawal
of
Russian troops from Transnistria within three years.
Moldova
accepted a linkage between withdrawing Russian troops and
achieving a political solution to the conflict in
Transnistria.
Transnistrian observers, who had feared that the Yeltsin
government would strike a deal without their consent, saw
the
agreement as a blow to their existence as a Russian entity
(and
also to their illegal money-making activities) and walked
out of
the negotiations.
However, peace was not to come so easily to
Transnistria. The
October 1994 agreement was a "gentlemen's agreement" that
was
signed by the two prime ministers and was to be approved
by the
two governments, but would not be submitted to the
countries'
parliaments. The Moldovan government approved the
agreement
immediately, but the Russian government did not, citing
the need
to submit it to the Duma (the lower house of the Russian
parliament), although it still had not submitted the
agreement in
mid-1995.
According to General Lebed', three years was not enough
time
to withdraw the 14th Army and its matériel (although an
American
company working in Belarus offered to buy the 14th Army's
ordnance and destroy it). Some members of Russia's Duma
flatly
refused to consider withdrawing the 14th Army. Under these
circumstances, there was little hope for the agreement to
be
implemented.
In mid-1995 General Lebed' resigned in protest over the
still-scheduled downgrading of the 14th Army. He was
believed to
be a likely candidate in the 1996 Russian presidential
elections.
Data as of June 1995
|