Nigeria The Third Republic
The transition program of the military rulers toward
the
establishment of civilian rule as the Third Republic was
more
elaborate and deliberate than was that toward the Second
Republic. The goal was to prevent a recurrence of past
mistakes.
It was recognized that far-reaching changes involving more
than
the constitution and political institutions must be
introduced.
Consequently, as much attention was paid to restructuring
the
economy through the SAP as to fostering a new social order
and a
political culture through a program of social
mobilization. In
1990 the transition program was tightly controlled, based
on the
assumption that desirable changes must occur through
government
intervention. It was also the most extended transition
thus far,
and this protracted schedule contributed to frequent
changes in
the agenda (see
table 16, Appendix). The date of the final
handing over of power was shifted from 1990 to 1992, state
gubernatorial and assembly elections from 1990 to 1991,
and the
census from 1990 to 1991. Apart from these changes, major
decisions frequently were reversed. Although President
Babangida
claimed that the transition was "sequential and
methodical," it
was actually responsive and ad hoc.
The transition to the Third Republic began with the
setting
up of a seventeen-member Political Bureau in 1986 to
formulate a
blueprint for the transition, based on ideas collated
during a
nationwide debate. In its report, the bureau recommended
that a
socialist ideology be introduced through a process of
social
mobilization, that local governments be strengthened as an
effective third tier of government, and that a two-party
system
be created. The government accepted the recommendations
except
for the proposal advocating socialism. Most knowledgeable
observers believed, however, that the Political Bureau was
largely a facade created by the military, who had little
intention of following the advice of the young
intellectuals who
composed the bureau.
Of all the recommendations, the two-party system was
the most
significant because it marked a departure from the
multiparty
system of the past. A majority in the bureau thought that
a
two-party system was the best way to ensure that the
parties
would be national and that they be financed largely by the
state,
as recommended. The bureau argued that in the First
Republic and
the Second Republic, the electoral alliances pointed to a
two-party system. The north-versus-south character of
these
alliances led many to fear that a two-party system would
function
along similar lines, especially given the increasing
sensitivity
of the Muslim-Christian division. The government decreed
the
formation of two new parties in October 1989, requiring
that the
parties draw from a national, as opposed to a regional,
constituency to prevent such a dichotomy.
Other aspects of the transition included a new
Constitution
Review Committee, a National Electoral Commission (NEC),
strengthened local governments, the creation of local
councils
through nonpartisan elections, and the setting up of a
Constituent Assembly (CA) to ratify the draft
constitution,
subject to final approval by the AFRC. The government,
however,
forbade the CA to deliberate on sensitive matters on which
decisions had already been made or were to be made by the
AFRC:
the creation of more states and local government areas,
the
census, revenue allocation, the two-party system, and
sharia (the
latter, after the issue again threatened to tear the
assembly
apart, as it did in 1978).
In May 1989, after introducing eleven amendments, the
AFRC
promulgated the new constitution by Decree Number 12. The
amendment covered the deletion of Section 15 of the new
constitution that pronounced the country a welfare state
and of
Sections 42 and 43 that provided for free education to age
eighteen and free medical care for persons up to age
eighteen or
older than sixty-five, the handicapped, and the disabled.
The
second amendment provided for streamlining the
jurisdiction of
sharia and customary courts of appeal to make them apply
at the
state level only to matters relating to the personal
status of
Muslims. Amendment three described civil service reforms.
Amendment four reduced the minimum age requirements for
federal
and state elective offices from forty to thirty-five for
the
president, thirty-five to thirty for senators and
governors,
twenty-five for members of the House of Representatives,
and
twenty-one for members of state houses of assembly and
local
government councillors. The fifth amendment replaced the
six-year, single-term tenure for the president and
governors with
a four-year, maximum two-term tenure. Amendment six
removed from
the National Assembly control over matters of national
security
because, in the view of the AFRC, it "exposes the chief
executives and the nation to clear impotence in the face
of
threats to security". The seventh amendment made the
federal
Judicial Service Commission accountable in the hope that
this
would enhance the independence of the judiciary. Amendment
eight
eliminated provisions establishing an armed forces service
commission to supervise compliance with provisions of the
federal-character principle, i.e., that government-bodies
such as
the military, the civil service, and university faculties
reflect
the various elements of the population. Amendment nine
covered
the reduction of the number of special advisers to the
president
from seven to three and alteration of the provisions for
gubernatorial advisers. Amendment ten eliminated Section 1
(4) of
the draft constitution outlawing coups and making them a
criminal
offense. The eleventh amendment deleted the provisions
forbidding
the federal government to obtain external loans without
the
approval of the National Assembly.
These amendments ensured that some of the changes
introduced
by the Babangida government would remain binding after the
government had handed over power. In spite of those
amendments,
the 1989 constitution is similar to that of 1979; the
presidential system is retained with minor amendments,
such as
the reduction in the number of senators from each state
from five
to three. The major difference in the new political
arrangement
is the two-party system.
Two unique aspects of the transition program since 1989
require emphasis. One was the blanket ban placed on all
former
politicians and top political officeholders, especially
those
found guilty of abuse of office. In effect, the new
political
order was to be built around the "new breed" politicians,
namely,
those who supposedly had not been affected by corruption,
ethnicity, religious fanaticism, and other vices that
characterized the "old brigade." A corollary of this was
the
government's opposition to the participation of
ideological and
religious "radicals" and "extremists." To participate in
the
Third Republic, each prospective politician needed a
clearance
certificate from the Federal Electoral Commission.
The second important factor was the decision to create
in
October 1989 two parties wholly run and financed by the
state.
After the ban on political activities was lifted in May
1989, a
number of political associations were formed, and thirteen
applied for registration. The requirements for
registration were
very strict and almost impossible to fulfill in the time
allotted: the submission of the names, addresses, and
passport
photographs of all members of the association in
the
federation was required to facilitate physical
confirmation of
the claims by the NEC. In its report to the AFRC, the NEC
gave
low scores to the associations, including the "big four"
that
were the strongest--the People's Solidarity Party, the
Nigerian
National Convention, the Patriotic Front of Nigeria, and
the
Liberal Convention. The report stated that most of the
membership
claims were found to be false, their manifestos and
organization
were very weak, and most of the associations were
affiliated with
banned politicians.
The AFRC's reaction to the report was unanticipated. It
dissolved all the political associations and decreed two
new
parties--the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the
Social
Democratic Party (SDP). It arranged for constitutions and
manifestos of these two parties to be written by the NEC
and by
specially constituted panels based on a synthesis of those
of the
dissolved associations. The difference between the two
parties
was made a supposed ideological divide: "a little to the
right"
and "a little to the left." The finances of the parties,
their
secretariats in every local government area of the
country, the
appointment of their administrative secretaries, and their
membership drives were now the responsibility of the
federal
government. The government described this new system as a
"grass-
roots democratic model" anchored in the rural and local
groups
rather than the "moneybags" and city elites that had
allegedly
hijacked the political process in the past.
A connection has also been made between these political
changes and attempts to alter the economic and social
realms. The
economic transition centered on the SAP, while the social
component included the process of social mobilization
aimed at
fostering a new social order and political culture. The
general
process was coordinated by the Directorate of Social
Mobilization; the declared goals were social justice,
economic
recovery, mass mobilization, and political education under
the
acronym MAMSER (Mass Mobilization for Self-Reliance).
MAMSER has
been popularized, but time will be needed to gauge how far
its
goals have been realized. An emphasis has also been placed
on
rural development through strengthening of local
governments, the
Directorate of Rural Development, and improving facilities
for
the rural women's program.
The transition program toward the establishment of the
Third
Republic was the most ambitious undertaken in Nigeria. The
success and stability of the republic, however, depended
on the
degree to which inherent structural problems could be
overcome.
Much depended on the orientations and on the actions of
the
politicians themselves, as well as on the dispositions of
the
military. Above all, its success depended on the
accompanying
economic and social transformations. The stability of the
Third
Republic, therefore, would rest not only on the operation
of the
new two-party system but also on the effectiveness of the
SAP and
MAMSER. The 1989 constitution provided for more than
twenty
ministers in the executive branch, in addition to various
councils and commissions
(see
fig. 11). The names and
numbers of
these ministries and commissions, which, geneally
speaking, were
responsible directly to the president, have changed
occasionally
since early 1990. Reportedly, Babangida was considering
reducing
the number of ministries to economize.
Figure 11. Executive Branch, According to 1989 Constitution
Data as of June 1991
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