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Paraguay The Armed Forces
Historically in Paraguay, as in virtually all Latin American
republics, no president has been able to remain in power without
the support of the armed forces. Between 1936 and 1954, the army
was the instrument for every change of government. Stroessner
brought the armed forces under control, thereby reinforcing his
rule, yet he also skillfully counterbalanced the armed forces with
the Colorado Party.
In the late 1980s, the armed forces and the Roman Catholic
Church were the only national institutions that had maintained
continuity since independence. Because of the violent upheavals
that characterized its history, Paraguay had the most
uncompromisingly martial history of any country in Latin America.
It resisted the Triple Alliance of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay
for almost five years and collapsed only when more than one-half of
its total population and almost all of its men had been killed
(see The War of the Triple Alliance
, ch. 1). During the 1932-35 Chaco
War, Paraguay took on a country having three times its human
resources and many times its economic resources. Paraguay won a
resounding military victory but at the cost of 8 percent of its
total male population and subsequent economic ruin
(see The Chaco War and the February Revolution
, ch. 1;
The History and Development of the Armed Forces
, ch. 5). This
violent history hindered the
development of a genuine aristocracy, thus allowing the officer
corps to emerge as a social and, to a large extent, an economic
elite.
In addition to his constitutional role as commander in chief of
the armed forces, Stroessner retained his position as commander in
chief of the army. A professional soldier recognized for
outstanding service during the Chaco War, Stroessner took his
duties as armed forces commander particularly seriously. He devoted
one day a week exclusively to military matters at the headquarters
of the general staff and made frequent visits to military commands
throughout the country. Stroessner personally determined all
promotions and transfers, from lieutenant to chief of staff. His
long and intense involvement with the armed forces, combined with
the small size of the country and the armed forces, made it
possible for him to know intimately the officer corps.
Stroessner's control was also enhanced by the senior structure
of the armed forces. The chief of staff, an army general, formally
commanded all the troops in the name of the president and was
directly subordinate to Stroessner. In fact, the chief of staff's
position was actually that of a liaison officer. The minister of
national defense was not in the direct chain of command and dealt
mainly with administrative matters, including budgets, supplies,
and the military tribunals
(see The Armed Forces in the National Life
, ch. 5).
Through his domination over the appointment and budgetary
processes of the armed forces, Stroessner sought to prevent the
emergence of an independent profile within the military. Public
pronouncements of the armed forces were generally limited to
pledges of unwavering support for the president and commitments to
fight international communism. High-ranking officers did express
their concerns regarding the divisions that emerged within the
Colorado Party in the mid-1980s over the issue of presidential
succession; nevertheless, these officers all called on Stroessner
to seek another term in 1988.
Adrian J. English, an expert on Latin American militaries,
concluded that the organization of the Paraguayan army appeared to
be based more on political than military considerations. Stroessner
ensured the loyalty of the officer corps by offering them well-paid
positions and extensive benefits, such as family allowances, health
care, pensions, and loans. Many officers also acquired wealth
through control of state enterprises, such as public utilities,
ports, transportation, meat packing, and alcohol distribution.
Substantial information also linked elements in the military to
smuggling and drug trafficking
(see
The United States
, this ch.).
Data as of December 1988
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