Thailand THAILAND IN TRANSITION
Prime Minister Phibunsongkhram meeting with President
Dwight D. Eisenhower and other United States government officials
Courtesy National Archives
Ruins of Khmer city of Phimai (thirteenth century) in
northeastern Thailand
Courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand
In December 1972, Thanom announced a new interim constitution
that provided for a totally appointed legislative assembly, two-
thirds of the members of which would be drawn from the military
and police. This move provoked widespread protest, however,
especially among students and led to Thanom's eventual removal.
In May and June 1973, students and workers rallied in the streets
to demand a more democratic constitution and genuine
parliamentary elections. By early October, there was renewed
violence, protesting the detention of eleven students arrested
for handing out antigovernment pamphlets. The demonstrations grew
in size and scope as students demanded an end to the military
dictatorship. On October 13, more than 250,000 people rallied in
Bangkok before the Democracy Memorial, in the largest
demonstration of its kind in Thai history, to press their
grievances against the government.
The next day troops opened fire on the demonstrators, killing
seventy-five, and occupied the campus of Thammasat University.
King Bhumibol, who had been seeking Thanom's ouster, took a
direct role in dealing with the crisis in order to prevent
further bloodshed and called Thanom and his cabinet to Chitralada
Palace for talks. In the evening, the king went on television and
radio to announce a compromise solution: Thanom had resigned as
prime minister but would remain as supreme commander of the armed
forces. In consultation with student leaders, the king appointed
Sanya Dharmasakti (Sanya Thammasak) as interim prime minister,
with instructions to draft a new constitution. Sanya, a civilian
conservative, was the rector of Thammasat University and known to
be sympathetic to the students' position. On October 15, Thanom,
Praphat, and Narong--dubbed Thailand's "three most hated men"--
were allowed to leave the country in secret, the king overruling
student militants who wanted to put them on trial. Their
departure was announced to the public only after they had left
the country, Praphat and Narong for Taiwan and Thanom initially
for the United States.
The student demonstrations of 1973 had not been intended as a
prelude to a revolution. They resulted, at least in part, from
the frustration of large numbers of students who were unable to
fulfill professional expectations after graduation, partly
because university enrollment had increased dramatically in the
1960s and early 1970s
(see Education and the Arts
, ch. 2).
Students were careful, however, to legitimize their actions
against the military dictatorship by an appeal to religion and
the monarchy, displaying in the streets the symbols of the "civic
religion"--figures of Buddha, pictures of the king, and the
national flag.
Prime Minister Sanya gave full credit to the student movement
for bringing down the military dictatorship. At the state
ceremony honoring those who had been killed during the 1973
demonstrations, he pledged, "Their death has brought us democracy
which we will preserve forever." However, political change in
Thailand did not bring the shift to the left that had been hoped
for by some and feared by many. Student militants, who already
felt betrayed by the king's complicity in Thanom's escape, were
not satisfied with the direction taken by the new government,
which seemed to have been preempted by the professional
politicians.
The new constitution, which went into effect in October 1974,
called for a popularly elected House of Representatives and
elections within 120 days. Political parties proliferated
following the passage in 1974 of legislation permitting their
registration. As a result, the January 1975 parliamentary
elections were inconclusive. With forty-two officially sanctioned
parties in the field, none won a parliamentary majority. The
parties for the most part had been organized around familiar
political personalities, and few had offered any ideological base
or even specific programs. Only 47 percent of eligible voters
cast ballots; public cynicism about politicians and improper
management of voter registration were blamed for the relatively
low turnout. According to observers, however, the election was
not openly corrupt.
The election put a large bloc of right-wing and centrist
parties in control of nearly 90 percent of the seats. None could
be described as reformist, and, to a degree, all represented the
status quo. On the left, a small and inexperienced but idealistic
group advocated land redistribution and favored neutrality in
foreign affairs. Seni Pramoj, whose Democrat Party was the
largest in the right-wing bloc, formed a shaky government that
could depend on only 91 of the 269 votes in the House of
Representatives. It fell within a month, after failing to win a
vote of confidence. In March Seni's brother, Kukrit Pramoj,
leader of the small, right-wing Social Action (Kit Sangkhom)
Party, was able to put together a more stable centrist coalition.
During his year in office, Kukrit proposed such reforms as
decentralizing economic planning to put development in the hands
of locally elected committees, but measures of this nature were
repeatedly defeated as members of the National Assembly rallied
to protect their vested interests.
The overthrow of the Thanom regime had brought on a more
vocal questioning of ties with the United States. Nationalist
sentiment, which was frequently expressed in terms of anti-
Americanism, ran high among students, who protested alleged
American involvement in domestic Thai affairs and called for the
speedy withdrawal of United States forces. Moreover, the changed
geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia refocused the issue of
the United States presence. Many Thai concluded that the country
could not be reconciled with its communist neighbors as long as
United States personnel were stationed on Thai soil.
The pullout of the 27,000 United States military personnel in
Thailand began in March 1975 and was completed in mid-1976
(see Foreign Security Assistance
, ch. 5). The Thai government stressed
the need for continued United States military commitment in
Southeast Asia, but from Bangkok's standpoint, the emphasis in
relations between the two allies clearly shifted from one of
military cooperation to economic and technical cooperation.
United States-Thai relations were dealt a setback, however, by
the Mayaguez incident in May 1975, when the United States used
the airfield at Ban U Taphao without Thai consent as a staging
base for the rescue of an American freighter detained by the
Khmer Rouge. The incident was seen as a blow to Thai sovereignty
and touched off anti-American demonstrations in Bangkok.
When South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia came under communist
control in the spring of 1975, the Thai government's initial
reaction was to seek an accommodation with the victors, but
feelers extended to Hanoi met with a chilly reception. In July,
however, Thailand established diplomatic relations with China,
after two years of negotiations. That same year, Thailand became
active in regional technical and economic cooperation as part of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which it
had been a member since the organization's founding in 1967
(see Foreign Affairs
, ch. 4).
In addition to political changes, both in its own government
and in its relationship with other powers, Thailand also
experienced economic shifts. Kukrit's government was plagued by
labor unrest and rising prices. The economic boom that had
spurred employment and produced an apparent prosperity in the
1960s fizzled with the phasing out of United States military
expenditures in Thailand. Furthermore, the impressive economic
growth was insufficient to keep pace with the growth of the
population, which had increased from 26 million in 1960 to 34
million in 1970. Although agricultural yield per hectare remained
static, agricultural production kept up with population growth
during the 1960s and 1970s because the amount of land under
cultivation doubled during that period. Arable land reserves were
being used up by the mid-1970s, however, except in the southern
peninsula. Moreover, although increasing rice production had
indeed brought together world and domestic rice prices, as
government leaders of the 1960s had predicted, the premium
nevertheless remained in effect. Its purpose now was to augment
government revenues. More than US$40 million was derived from the
rice premium in 1975, much of it earmarked, according to
government sources, for agricultural development schemes as a
form of income distribution.
The low incomes imposed by the rice premium and the lack of
available credit adversely affected small owner-operated farms in
the central plain's rice bowl that produced for the export
market. Farmers left the land either to become wage laborers on
large farms or to secure industrial and service jobs in the
cities. This migration to the cities was evident in the dramatic
growth of the Bangkok-Thon Buri metropolitan area, where
population exploded by 250 percent in the 1960s and 1970s to
exceed 4.5 million in 1980.
Maintaining order was the most pressing problem facing the
parliamentary regime and the most difficult one to resolve. For
one thing, the communist-inspired insurgency persisted and
generated a mistrust of all dissidents
(see Insurgency
, ch. 5).
The radicalization of the student movement was attributed to
communist influence, and student leaders were regularly accused
of being agents for Beijing and Hanoi. Particularly after the
fall of South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, all dissidents were
likely to be labeled communists by the military and by right-wing
politicians. Even in moderate government circles, misgivings were
expressed about continued student activism and the growth of
militancy against the monarchy. In April 1975, fourteen labor
organizers and student leaders were arrested under anticommunist
legislation used for the first time since Thanom's overthrow.
Adding to these political tensions were the plethora of new
newspapers that came into existence after censorship and
restrictions on the press were lifted in 1973. Although most were
too small to be economically viable, they gave a voice to
political factions of every persuasion and produced a cacophony
with which many had difficulty coping. News reporting was a low
priority for many newspapers, some of which operated solely as
rumor mills engaging in extortion and blackmail. Government
officials admitted that they were intimidated by the press.
Political murders and bombing became commonplace as open
warfare broke out between leftist students and workers and
rightist paramilitary groups, the latter openly supported by the
police. In August 1975, police in Bangkok, striking to protest
government weakness toward leftist students, went on a rampage
through the Thammasat University campus. Several senior military
officers and civilian conservatives formed the ultranationalist
Nawa Phon (New Force) movement to defend "Nation-Religion-King"
against the students, and by mid-1975 it claimed 50,000 members.
A group of paramilitary vigilantes, the Red Gaurs (Red Bulls),
recruited 25,000 members, largely unemployed vocational graduates
and technical students, to disrupt student rallies and break
strikes. The group was believed to have been organized by the
police as an unofficial auxiliary. Another right-wing group with
similar origins was the Village Scouts (Luk Sua Chaoban;
literally, "village tiger cubs").
Right-wing power grew early in 1976, as pressure from the
military forced Kukrit to resign after he had pressed corruption
charges against army officers. Violence during the parliamentary
election campaign the following April left more than thirty dead,
including Socialist Party leader Bunsanong Bunyothanyan, and the
new alignment in the House of Representatives brought back Seni
as prime minister at the head of a four-party, right-wing
coalition.
In August Praphat reappeared in Thailand and was received by
the king. Although Seni asserted that he could not legally deport
him, the former dictator's presence provoked widespread
demonstrations that forced his return to Taiwan. The next month,
however, Thanom was back in Thailand, garbed in a monk's robe and
expressing his intention to enter a monastery. Despite renewed
protests, the demoralized government allowed him to stay.
Political tensions between leftist and rightist forces
reached a bloody climax in October 1976. On October 5, right-wing
newspapers in the capital published a photograph of student
demonstrators at Thammasat University reenacting the strangling
and hanging of two student protestors by police the previous
month. The photograph, which was later found to have been
altered, showed one of the students as being made up to resemble
the king's son, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn. The right wing
perceived the demonstration as a damning act of lèse-majeste.
That evening police surrounded the campus of Thammasat
University, where 2,000 students were holding a sit-in. Fighting
between students and police (including contingents of the
paramilitary Border Patrol Police) broke out. The following day,
groups of Nawa Phon, Red Gaurs, and Village Scouts "shock troops"
surged onto the campus and launched a bloody assault in which
hundreds of students were killed and wounded and more than 1,000
arrested. That evening the military seized power, established the
National Administrative Reform Council (NARC), and ended that
phase of Thailand's intermittent experimentation with democracy.
Data as of September 1987
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