Comoros The Issue of Mahoré
Woman grinding coconuts, a staple food
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann
Women and children in front of houses on Mwali
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann
One of the touchiest issues in the negotiations between
Comoros and France over independence in the early 1970s
had been
whether the 1974 referendum would be considered for the
Comoros
archipelago as a whole or on an island-by-island basis.
Opposition to independence on Mahoré was organized by the
Mayotte
Popular Movement (Mouvement Populaire Mahorais--MPM), an
organization that had been founded in the 1960s by Zeina
M'Dere,
a spokeswoman for Mahoré shopkeepers, mostly women, who
had been
affected economically when the colonial capital was moved
from
the Mahoré town of Dzaoudzi to Moroni on Njazidja in 1962.
The reasons behind Mahoré's 65 percent vote against
independence were several. First, the people of Mahoré
considered
themselves culturally, religiously, and linguistically
distinct
from those of the other three islands; they felt that
their long
association with France (since 1841) had given their
island a
distinct Creole character like that of Reunion or
Seychelles.
Second, given Mahoré's smaller population, greater natural
resources, and higher standard of living, the Mahorais
thought
that their island would be economically viable within a
French
union and ought not to be brought down to the level of the
other
three poorer islands. Third, most Mahorais apparently felt
that
Mahoré's future within a Comoran state would not be a
comfortable
one, given a perception of neglect that had begun with the
much
resented transfer of the capital.
In France and among conservatives on Reunion, the 1974
vote
on Mahoré in favor of continued association with France
was
greeted with great enthusiasm. Comoran leaders, in
contrast,
accused the MPM and its leader, Marcel Henri, of
fabricating the
illusion of Mahorais "uniqueness" to preserve the power of
Mahoré's non-Muslim, Creole elite. The issue poisoned
Comoran
relations with France, particularly because the Indian
Ocean
lobby, whose leaders included Reunion's deputy to the
French
National Assembly, Michel Debré, pushed for a "Mayotte
française"
(French Mayotte). Apparently leaning toward the
interpretation
that the December 1974 referendum was an island-by-island
plebiscite, the French legislature voted in June 1975 to
postpone
independence for six months and hold a second referendum.
The
Abdallah government responded by declaring independence
unilaterally on July 6, 1975, for all Comoro Islands,
including
Mahoré. France reacted by cutting off financial aid, which
provided 41 percent of the national budget. Fearing a
Comoran
attempt to assert control of Mahoré forcibly, France sent
members
of the Foreign Legion from Reunion and a fleet of three
vessels
to patrol the waters around the island on July 6-7. On
November
12, 1975, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution
giving
Comoros UN membership and recognized its claims to Mahoré,
which
France opposed.
French policy toward Mahoré had been, in the words of
one
observer, "to cultivate a more or less honest majority for
reunification among the uncooperative Mahorais,"
particularly
after the forthrightly anti-French regime of Ali Soilih
ended in
1978. By contrast, the Mahorais' objective appeared to be
full
departmental status such as that of Reunion, where
residents
enjoyed full rights as French citizens. In a 1976
referendum,
the Mahorais expressed dissatisfaction with their status
as an
overseas territory. France then created a new
classification for
Mahoré--territorial community (collectivité
territoriale)--under which Mahoré was administered by a prefect
appointed by
the French government. Local government consisted of a
popularly
elected seventeen-member General Council. The island was
entitled
to send elected representatives to Paris, one each to the
National Assembly and the Senate. The French franc served
as the
currency of the island. This status still applied in 1993.
After it appeared that Mahoré would not be tempted by
the
federalist design of Ahmed Abdallah's 1978 constitution to
join
the Republic of the Comoros, the National Assembly in
Paris
decided in 1979 to prolong the existence of the
collectivité
territoriale until a 1984 plebiscite, resolving
meanwhile to
study the situation and consult with the islanders. In
late 1984,
with an overwhelming vote to remain associated with France
in the
offing, the French government postponed the plebiscite
indefinitely. By late 1993, it had still not been held,
the
Mahorais apparently still eager to remain part of France
and as
disinclined as ever to reunite with the three troubled
islands to
their immediate west.
Although many politically conservative French relished
the
Mahorais' popular vow that nous resterons français pour
rester
libre ("we will remain French to remain free"), the
Mahoré
situation caused some discomfort for France
internationally.
Every year, resolutions calling on France to relinquish
Mahoré to
Comoros passed with near unanimity in the UN, and the OAU
likewise issued annual condemnations. Although Comoran
official
distaste for the situation became more muted in the 1980s
and
1990s, the Comoran government continued to draw French
attention
to the issue. In May 1990, newly elected president Said
Mohamed
Djohar called for peaceful dialogue and French review of
Mahoré's
status. But feeling obligated not to change the Mahorais'
status
against their will, the French could do little.
Anti-Comoran
riots and demonstrations, and the formation of an
anti-immigrant
paramilitary group on Mahoré in response to the presence
of
illegal Comoran immigrants, were also sources of
embarrassment to
France.
The economy of Mahoré in some ways resembles that of
Comoros.
Rice, cassava, and corn are cultivated for domestic
consumption;
ylang-ylang and vanilla are the primary exports. The main
imports, whose value far outstripped that of exports, are
foodstuffs, machinery and appliances, transport equipment,
and
metals. Construction, primarily of French-funded public
works, is
the only industrial activity.
A five-year development plan (1986-91) focused on
large-scale
public projects, principally construction of a deepwater
port at
Longoni and an airport at the capital, Dzaoudzi. The plan
and its
two main projects were later extended through 1993.
Despite
Mahoré's great natural beauty, tourism was inhibited by a
dearth
of hotel rooms and the island's isolated location.
Under French administration, Mahoré had generally
enjoyed
domestic peace and stability, although tensions appeared
to be
rising by the early 1990s. In the summer of 1991, the
relocation
of people from their homes to allow the expansion of the
airport
met with vociferous protests, mostly by young people. The
protests soon grew into violent demonstrations against the
local
government's administration of the island. Paramilitary
attacks
on Comoran immigrants occurred in June 1992, and a
February 1993
general strike for higher wages ended in rioting. Security
forces
from Reunion and France were called in to restore order.
Data as of August 1994
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