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East Germany Development of an East German National Identity
The Honecker regime recognized the importance of national
feelings and the strength of ethnic, linguistic, and cultural
ties among the German people. Likewise, the regime was aware that
legislative and policy changes do not necessarily lead to changes
in public attitudes, behavior, and values. Part of the program of
mobilizing popular support and constructing a socialist society,
therefore, aimed at developing a new "national consciousness."
The regime targeted primarily three areas for change. First, it
attempted to alter the basis for shared historical experiences
through the selective interpretation of German history. Second,
it encouraged the development of linguistic differences in the
standard language. Third, it attempted to mold a new "socialist
personality"--and hence shape a new value system--through
intensive socialization.
According to the official view, East Germany embodies all
that is positive and progressive in the German past, while West
Germany is a continuation of a reactionary past. The Weimar
Republic is seen as the logical predecessor of the East German
state, and historical figures from Germany's socialist past
(Marx, Friedrich Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, and Karl Liebknecht) are
honored as the principal national heroes
(see Weimar Republic
, ch. 1). In addition selected military, literary, and musical
figures are accorded a prominent place in East German history
because of their "progressive" ideas. These include famous
Prussian generals and military theoreticians such as Gerhard von
Scharnhorst, Gebhard von Blücher, Carl von Clausewitz, and August
Gneisenau, as well as reformers such as Karl, Freiherr vom Stein,
and Karl August von Hardenberg. (The Order of Scharnhorst is the
highest East German military decoration.) Also included are
cultural figures such as Goethe, Schiller, and Johann Sebastian
Bach.
In 1976 at the Ninth Party Congress of the SED, leaders urged
historians to help develop an East German national identity and
socialist consciousness by broadening the definition of the
"progressive past" and by making greater use of national history.
As a result, a critical reexamination of certain periods of
history once considered reactionary has taken place. Prussian
history, for example, had been condemned for its militaristic
tradition, but in recent years it has been the object of closer
study. Historical figures either ignored or considered
unacceptable have been rehabilitated. In the 1970s and 1980s,
Luther and Otto von Bismarck, whom the regime had previously
criticized, have been re-evaluated. Luther has been incorporated
into the "socialist heritage" of East Germany. Since 1980 the
regime has regarded Luther as a progressive who challenged the
power of the Roman Catholic Church with theology, the only weapon
available to him. Since the mid-1980s, Bismarck has also received
more favorable treatment, both because he advocated good
relations with Russia and because he is seen as having ended the
fragmentation of Germany and paved the way for the blossoming of
German economic development. Richard Wagner, once disparaged in
official circles because of his popularity among the Nazi
leadership, has been rediscovered. Albert Einstein, earlier
ignored by the leadership, was honored in 1979 on the hundredth
anniversary of his birth. Finally, the study of history has been
encouraged among the population through the organization of local
historical societies, the opening of museums, the building of
statues, and the preservation and restoration of historical
landmarks and monuments. The emphasis on certain elements in the
German past is meant to convey to East Germans the feeling that
they share not only common historical roots but also a common
destiny.
Officials have also encouraged the development of a standard
language that can be distinguished from the standard German
spoken in West Germany. They have pointed to the already existing
divergences in the language to substantiate their claim that two
separate nations have developed. Indeed, a number of changes are
apparent in the German language as a result of the long
separation of East Germany and West Germany. They are not as far
reaching or as deeply implanted, however, as most Western
scholars originally thought. Changes have resulted primarily from
the introduction of political and technical jargon into the
language and the heavy reliance on abbreviations and acronyms.
Certain terms have assumed special political and emotional
significance, and others have become politicized because of their
use as slogans. Economic and technical terms, many of which
presume an extensive knowledge of science and economics, are used
frequently in official publications and documents. (Officials
point to these changes as proof of social progress.) Acronyms are
used widely to describe economic enterprises and political
organizations, and their use, in turn, has necessitated the
periodic publication of directories to guide people through the
maze of terms. The impact of these changes on everyday speech is
difficult to determine, but there is little to suggest that
official jargon has influenced general public usage. Language is
slow to change. Communications between East Germans and West
Germans have continued despite the separation of the two states
and in the 1980s have grown as a result of the easing of travel
restrictions. The Western broadcasting media are also widely
listened to and viewed by the East German public.
The shaping of a socialist personality is the single most
important objective of socialization in the country. The
educational system, mass organizations, communist party, media,
and production committees and worker groups of the enterprises
all aim to develop within the individual the qualities associated
with a socialist personality. According to leaders, that
personality blends creativity, intelligence, and industry with a
sense of responsibility, collective spirit, and commitment to the
goals of socialism. There are many aspects to the socialist
personality, the most fundamental of which are the socialist
consciousness and socialist morality. Consciousness in this case
implies a knowledge of Marxism-Leninism as interpreted by the
regime and involvement in the political life of the state. The
individual who displays a socialist consciousness is one who
studies official ideology and party doctrine, understands the
basis of productive relations, and actively takes part in the
construction of a socialist society by working to fulfill
production quotas and joining in political activities. Morality,
in this instance, implies a personal sense of obligation and
responsibility toward one's fellow workers, a collective spirit,
integrity, and trustworthiness. An individual's willingness to
use his or her full range of talents for the good of society and
a commitment to realize the fullest potential are also aspects of
the socialist personality.
With the exception of its ideological component, the concept
of a socialist personality embraces many of the character traits
and values traditionally admired by Germans. Thus authorities
have been able to tap traditional respect for authority,
discipline, hard work, and efficiency as part of the development
of a socialist personality. The more the socialist values have
been compatible with traditional values, the more the regime has
been successful in enforcing its value system and standards of
behavior.
Data as of July 1987
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