Ghana Urban Society
View of central Accra along Kwame Nkrumah
Avenue
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington
A main thoroughfare in Cape Coast
Courtesy James Sanders
In 1960, 23.1 percent of the population of Ghana resided in
urban centers. The figure rose to 28 percent in 1970, 32 percent
according to the 1984 census report, and an estimated 33 percent in
1994. The census figures show that while a majority of Ghanaians
still live in rural areas, larger towns and cities continue to
attract more immigrants than small ones. There is a high
correlation between both the economic well-being of the individual
and his or her educational level, and the tendency to migrate. A
large number of immigrants come from areas immediately adjacent to
urban areas. Urban populations are therefore multiethnic in
character. Even in this multiethnic urban environment, however,
ethnic associations play important social roles--from the initial
reception of new immigrants to the burial of urban residents.
Formed by people from the same village, district, region, or
ethnic background, ethnic associations in urban centers function
like extended families in which membership entails obligations and
benefits. Apart from the obvious assistance that such associations
may render--such as introducing new immigrants to the urban
environment, organizing credit unions, or helping with weddings and
funeral activities--associations may also contribute to the
development of their home areas. For example, urban residents from
towns and villages in the Kwahu Plateau area are known throughout
Ghana for their mutual aid societies. Through their fund-raising
activities, Kwahu associations have contributed to school building
construction, rural electrification, and general beautification
projects in their villages.
In urban centers, the degree of traditionalism or modernism
demonstrated by an individual is determined to a large extent by
the length of residency in an urban setting; by the level of
education and, therefore, the degree of Westernization; by living
habits; by the nature of work; and, in some measure, by religious
affiliation. For analytic purposes, one scholar has divided
Ghanaian urban residents, especially those in the upper ranks of
urban society, into groups according to occupation. Within these
groups are individuals who, on the basis of their education,
professional standing, and participation in the urban milieu, are
accorded high status. They include professionals in economics,
politics, education, administration, medicine, law, and similar
occupations who constitute the elite of their respective groupings.
Taken as a whole, however, such elites do not compose an upper
class. The individuals who constitute the elites come from
different social and ethnic backgrounds and base their power and
social status on different cultural values. Most of them continue
to participate in some aspects of traditional society and socialize
with members of their own or other lineage groups. Most important,
they do not regard themselves as an elite group.
The working class constitutes the rank and file of the various
trade union groups. The majority of them have completed the Middle
School Leaving Certificate Examination. Some have secondary and
technical educations. Unions have been politically active in the
country since the 1960s. During the 1970s, members of the Trade
Union Congress, the umbrella organization of workers, and the
nation's university students joined together to call for political
changes. In the 1980s, however, long-standing good relations with
student organizations suffered when certain trade union groups
attacked demonstrating university students. The primary function of
the Trade Union Congress as a mutual aid group is to conduct
negotiations with the government in an effort to improve the
conditions and the wages of workers. Apart from such joint actions
within the unions, the lives of working people in urban centers,
like those of their elite counterparts, revolve around friends,
family, and other mutual-aid networks.
Family life in more affluent urban areas approximates Western
behavior in varying degrees. Decisions in the urban family are
increasingly made by both parents, not just one. As children spend
increasing amounts of time away from home, more of their values
come from their peers and from adults who are not members of their
lineage. Social activities organized by schools have become more
important in the life of urban children and have reduced sibling
interaction. As a result, a greater amount of socialization is
taking place outside the kin group and immediate family. This
contrasts with rural society in which family and lineage remain the
most significant institutions.
As a result of weakening lineage ties in urban centers and of
population movements that separate more and more individuals from
kinsmen upon whom they would ordinarily depend for assistance,
companionship, and entertainment, many urban residents have turned
to voluntary-membership clubs and to organizations composed of
people with shared interests rather than inherited links. Popular
examples of such clubs are the Ghana Red Cross Society, the Accra
Turf Club, and the Kristo Asafo (Christian) Women's Club. Other
organizations such as the Ghana Bar Association, the Registered
Nurses Association, the Ghana Medical Association, and the Ghana
National Association of Teachers address professional concerns.
Data as of November 1994
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