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Libya
Higher Education
The University of Libya was founded in Benghazi in 1955, with
a branch in Tripoli. In 1973 the two campuses became the universities
of Benghazi and Tripoli, respectively, and in 1976 they were renamed
Gar Yunis University and Al Fatah University, respectively. In
1981 a technical university specializing in engineering and petroleum
opened at Marsa al Burayqah. Enrollments were projected at 1,700
students. In addition, there were technical institutes at Birak,
Hun, and Bani Walid. By the early 1980s, schools of nuclear and
electronic engineering and of pharmacy had been established at
Al Fatah University, while plans called for the construction of
an agricultural school at Al Bayda for 1,500 students.
Expansion of facilities for higher education was critical to
meeting skilled personnel requirements. Technical education was
being emphasized in keeping with a trend toward more specialized
facilities for both secondary and university studies. In 1982
the GPC passed a resolution calling for the replacement of secondary
schools by specialized training institutes whose curricula would
be closely integrated with those of the universities and technical
institutes. In 1985 the GPC called for a further expansion of
vocational and professional training centers and for measures
to compel technically trained students to work in their fields
of specialization. Students were also expected to play a more
active role in the economy as the country attempted to overcome
the shortage of skilled manpower caused by the expulsion of foreign
workers in 1985 (see Population , this ch.). In view of declining
allocations for education in the mid-1980s, however, it was doubtful
if these and other goals would be met.
University enrollment figures for the 1980s were unavailable
in 1987. However, they had risen without interruption since the
1950s, and it seemed probable that this trend was continuing.
About 3,000 students were enrolled in the University of Libya
in 1969. By 1975 the figure was up to 12,000, and a 1980 total
of 25,000 was projected. Female enrollments rose dramatically
during this period, from 9 percent of total enrollments in the
1970-71 period, to 20 percent in the 1978-79 period, to 24 percent
in the early 1980s.
In the 1970s, many students went abroad for university and graduate
training; in 1978 about 3,000 were studying in the United States
alone. In the early 1980s, however, the government was no longer
willing to grant fellowships for study abroad, preferring to educate
young Libyans at home for economic and political reasons. In 1985
Libyan students in Western countries were recalled and their study
grants terminated. Although precise information was lacking, many
students were reportedly reluctant to interrupt their programs
and return home.
University students were restless and vocal but also somewhat
lacking in application and motivation. They played an active role
in university affairs through student committees, which debated
a wide range of administrative and educational matters and which
themselves became arenas for confrontation between radical and
moderate factions. University students were also among the few
groups to express open dissatisfaction with the Qadhafi government
(see Student Opposition , ch. 4). One major source of tension
arose from the regime's constant intervention to control and politicize
education on all levels, whereas most Libyans regarded education
as the path to personal and social advancement, best left free
of government meddling.
In 1976 students mounted violent protests in Benghazi and Tripoli
over compulsory military training. More recently, in March 1986
students of the faculties of English and French at Al Fatah University
successfully thwarted Qadhafi's attempt to close their departments
and to destroy their libraries, part of the Arabization campaign
and another of Qadhafi's steps to eliminate Western influence.
A compromise was worked out whereby the departmental libraries
were spared, but both foreign languages were gradually to be phased
out of university curricula. After this incident, Qadhafi announced
that Russian would be substituted for English in Libyan schools,
a policy which, if implemented, was certain to cause both practical
and political difficulties.
* * *
Despite the attention Libya has received in the press and the
appearance of a few major works within the last decade, the literature
on Libyan society is relatively thin and uneven. The best and
most comprehensive general introduction is also the newest--Lillian
Craig Harris's Libya: Qadhafi's Revolution and the Modern
State. Her primary focus is political and economic, but Harris
also discusses the people, the social achievements of the revolutionary
government, and social disaffection. Richard Parker, North
Africa: Contemporary Politics and Economic Development, gives
another overview of Libya in the early 1980s, although he, too,
is primarily concerned with politics and foreign affairs rather
than with domestic affairs. John Wright, Libya: A Modern History,
provides extensive coverage of the independence period, being
particularly valuable on social change during the 1970s.
There is a general dearth of current reliable social statistics
for the 1980s, in contrast with the 1970s. The available data
is often a decade or more old and in some cases is missing altogether.
The best available sources outside the country are the various
publications of the United Nations and the World Bank. Much useful
and usually more current data can be found in the quarterly economic
reviews published by the Economist Intelligence Unit (London).
The situation is considerably better with respect to analyses
of social structure and values. Omar El Fathaly and Monte Palmer's
Political Development and Social Change in Libya and
"Opposition to Change in Rural Libya," are concerned with the
evolution of social structure since independence. Basing their
conclusions on field surveys, these researchers document the resilience
of traditional values in shaping contemporary Libyan society,
especially its elite structure. In "Libya: Personalistic Leadership
of a Populist Revolution," Raymond Hinnebusch dissects the revolutionary-era
elite in a scholarly treatment that also shows how the ideals
of the revolution have affected elite formation. A series of essays
covering almost all aspects of society, in some cases since the
nineteenth century, comes from Marius and Mary Jane Deeb, Libya
Since the Revolution. Like El Fathaly and Palmer, the Deebs
write on the basis of first-hand experience, but unfortunately
their data are largely drawn from the early and mid-1970s. Mustafa
Attir's "Ideology, Value Changes, and Women's Social Position
in Libyan Society," examines attitudes toward women and traces
the evolution of female rights and status over the last four decades.
Ann Elizabeth Mayer's "Islamic Resurgence or New Prophethood,
details the legal and theological reasoning and posturing that
lie behind Qadhafi's view of Islam and his challenge to the religious
establishment. (For further information and complete citations,
see Bibliography).
Data as of 1987
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