North Korea CORPORATISM AND THE CHUCH'E IDEA
P'yongyang's Arch of Triumph, unveiled in April 1982,
on the site of Kim Il Sung's 1945 speech celebrating national
liberation
Courtesy Democratic People's Republic of Korea Mission to the
United Nations
Preparations in Kim Il Sung Square, P'yongyang, for the
eightieth birthday celebration of Kim Il Sung, April 1992
Courtesy Tracy Woodward
Marxism did not present a political model for achieving
socialism, only an opaque set of prescriptions. This political
vacuum opened the way for the development of an indigenous
political culture
(see
Political Ideology: The Role of Chuch'e, ch. 4). The
strongest foreign influence on North
Korea's leadership has been the Chinese communist model. Like Mao
Zedong, Kim Il Sung has been very much a mass line leader, making
frequent visits to factories and the countryside, sending cadres
down to local levels to help policy implementation and to solicit
local opinion, requiring small-group political study and
so-called criticism and self-criticism, using periodic campaigns
to mobilize people for production or education, and encouraging
soldiers to engage in production in good "people's army" fashion.
The North Korean political system also differs in many
respects from China and the former Soviet Union. The symbol of
the KWP is a hammer and sickle with a superimposed writing brush,
symbolizing the "three-class alliance" of workers, peasants, and
intellectuals. Unlike Mao's China, the Kim regime has never
excoriated intellectuals as a potential "new class" of
exploiters; instead, it has followed an inclusive policy toward
them, perhaps because postwar Korea was short of intellectuals
and experts and because so many had left North Korea for South
Korea in the 1945-50 period. For P'yongyang, the term
intellectual refers to experts and technocrats, of which
there are exceedingly few in North Korea. North Korea's political
system is thus a mix of Marxism-Leninism, Korean nationalism, and
indigenous political culture. The term that perhaps best captures
this system is
corporatism (see Glossary).
Socialist corporatist
doctrine has always preferred an organic politic to the liberal,
pluralist conception: a corporeal body politic rather than a set
of diverse groups and interests.
North Korea's goal of tight unity at home has produced a
remarkable organicism, unprecedented in any existing communist
regime. Kim Il Sung is not just the "iron-willed, ever-victorious
commander," the "respected and beloved Great Leader"; he also is
the "head and heart" of the body politic (even "the supreme brain
of the nation"!). The flavor of this politics can be demonstrated
through quotations taken from KWP newspapers in the spring of
1981:
Kim Il Sung ... is the great father of our
people....Long is
the history of the word father being used as a word
representing love and reverence ... expressing the unbreak-able
blood ties between the people and the leader. Father. This
familiar word represents our people's single heart of boundless
respect and loyalty.... The love shown by the Great Leader for
our people is the love of kinship. Our respected and beloved
Leader is the tender-hearted father of all the people.... Love of
paternity ... is the noblest ideological sentiment possessed only
by our people.
His heart is a traction power attracting the hearts of all
people and a centripetal force uniting them as one.... Kim Il
Sung is the great sun and great man ... thanks to this great
heart, national independence is firmly guaranteed.
This type of language was especially strong when the
succession of Kim Jong Il was publicly announced at the Sixth
Party Congress in 1980. The KWP often is referred to as the
"Mother" party, the mass line is said to provide "blood ties,"
the leader always is "fatherly," and the country is one big
"family." Kim Il Sung is said to be paternal, devoted, and
benevolent, and the people presumably respond with loyalty,
obedience, and mutual love.
North Korean ideology buries Marxism-Leninism under the
ubiquitous, always-trumpeted chuch'e idea. By the 1970s,
chuch'e had triumphed fundamentally over Marxism-Leninism
as the basic ideology of the regime, but the emphases were there
from the beginning. Chuch'e is the opaque core of North
Korean
national solipsism (see Glossary).
National solipsism expresses an omnipotent theme found in
North Korean written materials: an assumption that Korea is the
center of the world, radiating outward the rays of
chuch'e, especially to Third World countries that are
thought by the North Koreans to be ready for chuch'e. The
world tends toward Korea, with all eyes on Kim Il Sung. The
presence of such an attitude is perhaps the most bizarre aspect
of North Korea, but also one of the most noticeable. The model of
ever-widening concentric circles--at the center of which is Kim
Il Sung, next his family, next the guerrillas who fought with
him, and then the KWP elite--is profoundly Korean and has
characterized North Korea since 1946. This core circle controls
everything at the top levels of the regime. The core moves
outward and downward concentrically to encompass other elements
of the population and provides the glue holding the system
together. As the penumbra of workers and peasants is reached,
trust gives way to control on a bureaucratic basis and to a
mixture of normative and remunerative incentives. Nonetheless,
the family remains the model for societal organization. An outer
circle distinguishes the Korean from the foreign, a reflection of
the extraordinary ethnic and linguistic unity of Koreans and
Korea's history of exclusionism. Yet the circle keeps on
expanding, as if to encompass foreigners under the mantle of Kim
and his chuch'e idea.
Data as of June 1993
|