Philippines Organization
Figure 9. Regions and Provinces, 1990
Source: Based on information from Manila Times, October 13,
1990, 3.
The 1987 Constitution retains the three-tiered structure of
local government. There were seventy-three provinces in 1991
(see
fig. 9). The province was the largest local administrative unit,
headed by the elected governor and aided by a vice governor, also
elected. Other officials were appointed to head offices concerned
with finance, tax collection, audit, public works, agricultural
services, health, and schools. These functionaries were
technically subordinate to the governor but also answered to
their respective central government ministries. Lower ranking
functionaries, appointed by the governor, were on the provincial
payroll.
Chartered cities stood on their own, were not part of any
province, did not elect provincial officials, and were not
subject to any provincial taxation, but they did have the power
to levy their own taxes. As of 1991, there were sixty-one
chartered cities headed by a mayor and a vice mayor. The mayor
had some discretionary power of local appointment.
Municipalities were subordinate to the provinces. In 1991
there were approximately 1,500 municipalities. At the lowest
level, with the least autonomy, were barangays, rural
villages and urban neighborhoods that were called barrios until
1973. In 1991 there were about 42,000 barangays.
Various reorganization schemes have been undertaken to
invigorate local government. One of the most far-reaching and
effective was the creation of a
Metro Manila (see Glossary)
government in the mid-1970s to bring the four cities and thirteen
municipalities of the capital region under a single umbrella.
Metro Manila is an example of what geographers call the Southeast
Asian primate city, a single very large city that is the center
of industry, government, education, culture, trade, the media,
and finance
(see Urban Social Patterns
, ch. 2). No other
Philippine city rivaled Manila; all others were in a distinctly
lesser league. Continued rapid population growth meant that the
boundaries of Metro Manila were expected to expand in the 1990s.
During martial law, the provinces were grouped into twelve
regions, and that arrangement was continued in the Apportionment
Ordinance appended to the 1987 Constitution. Because these
regions did not have taxing powers or elected officials of their
own, however, they were more an administrative convenience for
the departments of the national government than a unit of genuine
local importance. In 1991 approximately 90 percent of government
services were provided by the national government. Attempts by
Aquino to decentralize delivery of some services were resisted by
members of Congress because such moves deprived them of
patronage.
The single biggest problem for local government has been
inadequate funds. Article 10 of the Constitution grants each
local government unit the power to create its own sources of
revenue and to levy taxes, but this power is "subject to such
guidelines and limitations as the Congress may provide." In
practice, taxes were very hard to collect, particularly at the
local level where officials, who must run for reelection every
three years, were concerned about alienating voters. Most local
government funding came from Manila. There is a contradiction in
the Constitution between local autonomy and accountability to
Manila. The Constitution mandates that the state "shall ensure
the autonomy of local governments," but it also says that the
president "shall exercise general supervision over local
governments." The contradiction was usually resolved in favor of
the center.
Data as of June 1991
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