Venezuela A CENTURY OF CAUDILLISMO
Juan Vicente Gómez
Courtesy Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress
Two decades of warfare had cost the lives of between
one-
fourth and one-third of Venezuela's population, which by
1830 was
estimated at about 800,000. Furthermore, the cocoa-based
export
economy lay in ruins, a victim of physical destruction,
neglect,
and the disruption of trade. As a result, it was
relatively
simple for the young nation to shift its agricultural
export
activity to the production of coffee, a commodity whose
price was
booming in the North Atlantic nations with which Venezuela
was
now free to trade. The production of coffee for export
would,
along with subsistence agriculture, dominate Venezuela's
economic
life until the initiation of the petroleum boom well into
the
twentieth century. Venezuela's century-long
post-independence era
of caudillismo is perhaps best understood as a competition
among
various social and regional factions for the control of
the
Caracas-based bureaucracy that served the trade with the
North
Atlantic nations.
The century of the caudillo started auspiciously, with
sixteen relatively peaceful and prosperous years under the
authority of General Páez. Twice elected president under
the 1830
constitution, Páez, on the one hand, consolidated the
young
republic by putting down a number of armed challenges by
regional
chieftains. On the other hand, Páez usually respected the
civil
rights of his legitimate political opponents. Using funds
earned
during the coffee-induced economic boom, he oversaw the
building
of fledgling social and economic infrastructures.
Generally
considered second only to Bolívar as a national hero, Páez
ruled
in conjunction with the criollo elite, which maintained
its unity
around the mestizo caudillo as long as coffee prices
remained
high.
In the 1840s, however, coffee prices plunged, and the
elite
divided into two factions: those who remained with Páez
called
themselves Conservatives, while his rivals called
themselves
Liberals. The Liberals first came to prominence in 1846
with
Páez's surprising selection of General José Tadeo Monagas
as his
successor. Two years later, Monagas ousted all the
Conservatives
from his government and sent Páez into exile,
precipitating a
decade of dictatorial rule shared with his brother, José
Gregorio. The abolition of slavery in 1854 was the only
noteworthy act by the Monagas brothers. In 1857 they
introduced a
new constitution in an obvious attempt to install a
Monagas
family dynasty. The regime was ousted the following year
in a
revolt that included elite members of both parties.
The elite factions failed to agree on a replacement for
Monagas, however, precipitating twelve years of
intermittent
civil war so chaotic that few history texts bother to
chronicle
the details. Between 1858 and 1863, local caudillos
engaged in a
chaotic power struggle known as the Federal War, because
the
Liberals favored federalism. In the end, the Liberals
triumphed
and General Juan C. Falcón was named president. In
practice,
federalism was a disaster. Falcón's general lack of
interest in
ruling and his failure to exert strong leadership allowed
local
caudillos to exert oppressive authoritarian control over
their
fiefdoms even while they continued to pay lip service to
the
concept of federalism. Central government authority was
finally
restored in 1870 by Falcón's chief aide, Antonio Guzmán
Blanco,
who established a dictatorship that endured for eighteen
years.
Unlike his former boss, Guzmán understood the politics
of
federalism. After removing disloyal Conservative regional
caudillos by force, he installed a loyal group of Liberal
caudillos in their place. Thanks to a rapid expansion of
both
coffee production and foreign loans, Guzmán had access to
considerable resources to maintain his supporters with
generous
subventions, backed up, if necessary, by federal troops.
This
formula brought nearly two decades of much-welcomed peace
to the
Venezuelan countryside.
Guzmán used the increased revenue for additional
activities
that contributed to Venezuela's national development.
Education
advanced notably, while the development of a modern
governmental
bureaucracy, and infrastructures for communications and
transportation--roads, railroads, port facilities, and
telegraph
lines--provided vital support for expanding export
agriculture.
Caracas especially benefited from public works and grew
into one
of South America's premier cities. The vainglorious
Guzmán, who
liked to be referred to as the "Illustrious American,"
dedicated
as many of these projects to himself as possible.
Although Guzmán demanded honesty from his subordinates,
he
amassed a personal fortune that allowed him to live in the
kingly
luxury he felt he deserved, both in Caracas and in Paris
during
the intervals when he deemed it prudent to leave the
presidency
in the hands of a puppet. During one such period in 1888,
civil
unrest marked by anti-Guzmán rioting by university
students in
Caracas convinced the "Illustrious American" to remain in
Paris
on a permanent basis.
The four chaotic years that followed Guzmán's rule were
marked by several failed attempts to consolidate a
civilian
government. A colorless military regime, led by General
Joaquín
Crespo, spent most of its energies between 1892 and 1898
fighting
to remain in power. Crespo was killed in 1898; in 1899
General
Cipriano Castro, the first of four military rulers from
the
Andean state of Táchira, marched on Caracas with a private
army
that became a strong naitonal army and assumed the vacant
presidency. Castro was characterized as "a crazy brute" by
United
States secretary of state Elihu Root and as "probably the
worst
of [Venezuela's] many dictators" by historian Edwin
Lieuwen. His
nine years of despotic and dissolute rule are best known
for
having provoked numerous foreign interventions, including
blockades and bombardments by British, German, and Italian
naval
units seeking to enforce the claims of their citizens
against
Castro's government. The subsequent appearance of United
States
warships in 1902 convinced Castro to acquiesce to a
financial
settlement. Five years later, however, he again incited
foreign
naval intervention, this time by the Dutch, who seized a
port and
destroyed part of Venezuela's tiny navy. In 1908 Castro
traveled
to Europe for medical treatment; his chief military aide
and
fellow tachirense (native of the state of Táchira),
Juan
Vicente Gómez, took this opportunity to overthrow the
dictator
and assume power.
Gómez was the consummate Venezuelan caudillo. He
retained
absolute power from 1908 to 1935, alternating between the
posts
of president and minister of war. A series of puppet
legislatures
drafted and promulgated six new constitutions at the
bidding of
the dictator, while the judiciary enforced the will of the
"Tyrant of the Andes" within the courts.
The dictator's principal power base was the army.
Disproportionately staffed with tachirense
personnel, the
army was used to destroy all of Gómez's regional foes.
This
"national" army was prudently provided with high salaries
and
generous benefits, the most modern weapons, and
instruction from
the Prussian-trained Chilean military. But Gómez's most
important
means of eliminating political foes was his ubiquitous
secret
police force. Although some opponents escaped with a
simple
reprimand, many thousands of others, those who did not
manage to
escape into exile, were locked up--rarely with the benefit
of a
trial--in prisons where death by starvation or at the
hands of
torturers was commonplace.
Gómez justified his harsh dictatorship as the form of
government preferred by the primitive, mixed-race
Venezuelans. He
based his theories in part on the racist notions of the
book
Democratic Caesarism by Gómez supporter Laureano
Vallenilla Lanz that became official regime doctrine. In
accord
with these theories, Gómez believed that national
development
could be undertaken successfully only by foreigners who
enjoyed
technological superiority to Venezuelans. Moreover, the
climate
of stability required for this externally directed
development
process could only be provided--according to Gómez's
doctrine--by
strong authoritarian rule.
The Gómez regime coincided with a protracted period
favorable
to Venezuelan exports. Coffee exports boomed, both in
volume and
price, during the early years of his rule. Most important,
however, the foreign exploitation of Venezuela's petroleum
reserves began in 1918, augmenting government revenues to
a
degree previously unknown and allowing Gómez to pay off
the
nation's entire foreign debt and to institute a public
works
program. The beginnings of an urban middle class were also
evident in the bureaucracy that grew up around the nascent
Venezuelan oil industry. The provision of required local
services
to the oil industry further expanded this new middle
class.
The true beneficiaries of the petroleum boom, however,
were
Gómez, the army, and the dictator's associates from
Táchira. For
the vast majority of Venezuelans, the petroleum era
brought
reduced employment (oil being a capital-intensive
industry) and
high food prices stemming from a decline in domestic
agricultural
activity and an increase in imports. Inflation increased
and real
wages declined. Little improvement took place in public
education
and health care, and although the capital-intensive
petroleum
industry grew impressively, oil-derived revenue was not
applied
to labor-intensive efforts such as agricultural
diversification
or the promotion of small-scale industry.
Subsequent events recast the students at the Central
University of Venezuela, in Caracas, into the most
significant
opposition to the Gómez regime. Having closely observed
the
Mexican Revolution of 1910 and the Russian Revolution of
1917,
the students launched a struggle in 1928 to liberate
Venezuela
from Gómez's grip. The revolt began in February, when
Jóvito
Villalba and two other students were arrested for making
antigovernment speeches. In protest, other students then
challenged the dictator to jail them as well, and Gómez
complied
by arresting 200 student activists. A popular
demonstration
followed. Police dispersed the demonstrators with
firearms,
killing and wounding many participants. With the
assistance of a
few young military officers, the rebels then stormed the
presidential palace, which they managed to occupy briefly
before
being overwhelmed by Gómez's troops. Gómez then closed the
university and rounded up the students, many of whom ended
up
laboring on road gangs. Some of the movement's leadership
languished or died in prison; those of "the generation of
1928"
who managed to escape into exile, like Rómulo Betancourt,
Rafael
Caldena Rodríguez, and Raúl Leoni, were later to become
the
nation's principal political leaders.
Two subsequent efforts to overthrow Gómez--executed by
long-
exiled caudillo rivals who believed that their landings on
the
Venezuelan coast would trigger popular
insurrections--ended in
failure. The "Tyrant of the Andes" ruled until his death,
by
natural causes, in December 1935 at age seventy-nine. The
event
precipitated widespread looting, property destruction, and
the
slaughter of Gómez family members and collaborators by
angry mobs
in Caracas and Maracaibo. Gómez's twenty-seven years in
power
brought to a close Venezuela's century of caudillismo and,
according to many historical accounts, his demise marked
the
beginning of Venezuela's modern period.
Although he was not the last of Venezuela's dictators,
analysts of contemporary Venezuelan society commonly cite
Gómez's
lengthy rule as the true line of demarcation between
Venezuela's
democratic present and its authoritarian past. Although
the
nation's post-1958 democratic leaders received their
political
baptism of fire in Venezuela in 1928, their principal
political,
social, and economic perceptions were formed in exile in
Europe,
Mexico, or the United States. During the transition years
from
1935 to 1958, the outlines of a national democratic
political
culture, including the configuration of Venezuela's modern
political party system, at last began to take shape.
Data as of December 1990
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