Caribbean Islands The Increased Role of the United States
Traditional Interests
Traditionally, the United States has attempted to establish and
maintain a peaceful, secure, stable, and friendly southern flank.
It has sought to prevent hostile foreign powers from establishing
military bases and facilities, engaging in destabilizing balance of
power struggles, or supporting subversive activities in the
Caribbean region; guarantee the United States access to strategic
raw materials, trade, investment opportunities, and transportation
routes; protect American territories (Puerto Rico and the United
States Virgin Islands) and military installations; and promote
economic development in the region.
Referring in 1984 to American interests specific to the
Commonwealth Caribbean, Vaughan A. Lewis, director of the
Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS--see Glossary),
noted five separate but related concerns: security, communications
(e.g., sea-lanes and shipping), natural resources, immigration, and
narcotics trafficking. The latter two were relatively new concerns.
By the early 1980s, the Caribbean Basin area had become a major
transit route for narcotics smuggled into the United States from
South America, and was also the largest source of legal and illegal
immigrants in the United States, according to the Department of
State.
Despite its important strategic interests in the Caribbean, the
United States was reluctant to fill the security vacuum created
when Britain began pulling out of the region at the end of the
1970s. There were diplomatic, political, and economic reasons for
the United States not to move too quickly. It did not want to
appear to be pushing Britain out of its traditional sphere of
influence. Moreover, the United States recognized that the people
in the English-speaking Caribbean, although seeking a measure of
independence from Britain, remained identified politically and
culturally with the British.
Heightened Security Concerns, 1979-83
Several developments in 1979 generated a more active American
interest in the Caribbean Basin region and contributed to a
reassessment of the strategic equation by the administration of
President Jimmy Carter. These included Bishop's seizure of power in
Grenada, the Nicaraguan revolution, the presence of a Soviet combat
brigade in Cuba, the Cuban deployment of troops to Ethiopia to
counter a Somali invasion of that Marxist country, and the Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan, a move that heightened American concerns
over Soviet expansionist intentions.
The Soviet combat brigade issue in particular prompted the
Carter administration to establish the Caribbean Contingency Joint
Task Force (CCJTF) at Key West, Florida, on October 1, 1979. The
CCJTF was equipped with a squadron of A-4 attack bombers and a
radar-jamming navy electronics warfare squadron. The sending of a
1,500-member United States Marines task force to stage a beach
landing at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, that year also dramatized the new
emphasis by the United States on regional security and defense. In
addition, United States naval vessels began showing the flag
throughout the Caribbean. The increased visibility of the United
States in the region, however, was not uniformly welcomed by the
island nations. The left-of-center governments of Jamaica, Guyana,
Grenada, and St. Lucia criticized President Carter's decision to
increase the United States military presence in the Caribbean on
the grounds that it could "escalate tension and threaten the peace
and stability of the region." They also rejected "any perception of
the Caribbean region as a sphere of influence for any great power."
The Carter administration's security concerns deepened in the
spring of 1980 when Bishop said that Cuban and Soviet aircraft
would be allowed landing rights in Grenada. During the first nine
months of 1980, United States Navy ships paid more than two dozen
port calls in the Eastern Caribbean. Although the United States had
granted recognition to the Bishop regime after it came to power,
the Carter administration suspended all official contact with the
government as a result of Grenada's reliance on Cuban forces,
military advisers, and other aid.
The Reagan administration continued the policy of shunning
Grenada, citing a security threat to the United States from the
3,048-meter-long airstrip being built by Cubans at Point Salines.
The United States claimed that the airfield could be used for
military purposes. United States concerns heightened in the early
1980s as the result of a renewal of Cuban subversion in the
Caribbean Basin region; the growing insurgency in El Salvador; the
Soviet-assisted military buildups in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Grenada;
and the flight of refugees from Cuba, Haiti, and other Caribbean
islands, as well as from Central America. As Grenada's ties with
Cuba and the Soviet Union expanded in the early 1980s, the United
States gave more priority to security contingency planning in the
Eastern Caribbean. In one of the largest naval exercises by the
United States since World War II, United States forces engaged in
Operation "Ocean Venture" on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques
between August and October 1981. That November the United States
Department of Defense upgraded its regional defense network to
command status by consolidating the two-year-old CCJTF at Key West,
Florida, with the Antilles Defense Command in Puerto Rico. The
resulting command, called the United States Forces Caribbean
Command, was created on December 1, 1981, as one of three NATO
Atlantic commands. Its area of responsibility covered "waters and
islands of the Caribbean, Gulf of Mexico, and parts of the Pacific
bordering Central and South America." The new command included
naval and air forces, as well as army and marine units. Until then
the United States Southern Command headquarters in the Panama Canal
area had the United States Army's only major forward-based forces
in the region. The primary United States naval facility at
Roosevelt Roads, Puerto Rico, had neither ships nor aircraft
permanently assigned.
Five English-speaking island nations in the Eastern Caribbean (see Glossary)--Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, St. Lucia,
and St. Vincent and the Grenadines--established their own basis for
regional security cooperation by signing on October 29, 1982, in
Bridgetown, Barbados, the Memorandum of Understanding (see A
Regional Security System, this ch.). In March 1983, shortly after
the RSS was adopted formally, veteran prime minister Vere Cornwall
Bird, Sr., of Antigua and Barbuda described the nascent regional
defense and security system as "insurance against the violent
overthrow of democratically elected governments," such as took
place on Grenada in 1979. "We cannot afford to have another Cuba or
another Grenada," he declared. That month President Reagan,
displaying aerial reconnaissance photographs, underscored the
threat of "another Cuba" in Grenada by announcing that the island
was building, with Cuban assistance, an airfield, a naval base, a
munitions storage area, barracks, and Soviet-style training areas.
In October 1983, the political situation in Grenada
deteriorated suddenly, and the Commonwealth Caribbean perceived
itself as facing an ominous threat to its security and
constitutional system of government. On October 13, 1983, a harder
line and more militant pro-Soviet NJM faction led by then-Deputy
Prime Minister Bernard Coard ousted Prime Minister Bishop in an
armed coup and placed him under house arrest. Coard proclaimed
himself prime minister and installed the ruling sixteen-officer
Revolutionary Military Council (RMC). Some observers attributed the
coup in part to Bishop's attempts during the final months of his
rule to distance his government from Cuba and the Soviet Union. On
October 19, People's Revolutionary Army (PRA) troops executed
Bishop and three of his closest deputies and killed scores of
civilians. The next day, General Hudson Austin, the PRA commander,
proclaimed himself head of the new RMC. The coup, the
assassinations, and the other carnage outraged Commonwealth
Caribbean leaders.
Intervention in Grenada
Alarmed at the radical turn that Grenada appeared to be taking,
the RSS member islands and Jamaica asked the United States to
intervene. Before acting on the informal OECS request, Reagan sent
a special ambassadorial emissary to consult with the OECS and other
regional leaders. The emissary met in Barbados on October 23 with
the prime ministers of Dominica, Barbados, and Jamaica--Mary
Eugenia Charles, J.M.G.M. "Tom" Adams, and Edward Seaga,
respectively--who all strongly reiterated their appeal for American
assistance. Subsequently, Grenada's governor general, Paul Scoon,
despite being under house arrest, made a confidential appeal for
action by OECS members and other regional states to restore order
on the island. Scoon, a native Grenadian, represented Queen
Elizabeth II, Grenada's titular head of state (see Grenada,
Government and Politics, ch. 4). On October 24, the OECS requested
United States participation--together with Jamaica, Barbados, and
four OECS members (Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, St. Lucia, and
St. Vincent and the Grenadines)--in a military action against the
Coard-Austin regime. Seaga, who played the leading role among
Caribbean leaders, later revealed that the formal request was made
after the United States had promised "immediate action." OECS
director Lewis later stated, however, that the decision to seek
United States troops was made only after OECS nations realized they
lacked the forces to take control of Grenada.
Final preparations for Operation "Urgent Fury" began on October
24, when United States forces landed at staging sites on Barbados.
Early the next morning, combined United States-Caribbean forces
consisting of 1,900 United States Marines personnel and United
States Army rangers and 300 soldiers and policemen from 6
Commonwealth Caribbean islands landed on Grenada at several
locations, including the Point Salines airstrip, then under
construction by Cubans. The United States military later announced
that more than 6,000 United States troops had participated in the
invasion. None of the members of the Caribbean force took part in
any fighting. They guarded Grenadian prisoners and Cuban internees
and later accompanied United States troops on security patrols of
St. George's and other areas. The combined forces established
authority within a few days after overcoming limited initial
resistance by PRA troops and fiercer resistance by 784 Cubans, of
whom 24 were killed in action and 59 wounded. Within two weeks, the
Cubans, seventeen Libyans, fifteen North Koreans, forty-nine
Soviets, ten East Germans, and three Bulgarians had returned to
their countries. By December 15, all United States combat forces
had withdrawn, leaving only training, police, medical, and support
elements.
In explaining its participation in the Grenada operation, the
United States government cited, in addition to the aforementioned
OECS appeals, the need to ensure the safety of the roughly 1,000
United States students on the island, whose lives it claimed were
endangered by the breakdown of law and order and a "shoot-on-sight"
curfew. The Reagan administration also expressed concern that the
students might be used as hostages. A total of 599 United States
citizens were evacuated safely, at their request; those who were
interviewed expressed great relief at being out of Grenada.
The Department of State also set forth the legal aspects of the
Reagan administration's position by stressing the right of the
United States under international law to protect the safety of its
citizens, the right of the OECS nations to take collective action
against a threat of external aggression, and the right of the
United States to take action in response to requests from the OECS
and the governor general of Grenada. Critics accused the Reagan
administration of violating United Nations (UN) and Organization of
American States (OAS) prohibitions on intervention and the use of
force. United States military intervention constituted, in their
view, a gross violation of Grenada's territorial integrity and
political sovereignty. Supporters of the administration's position
pointed out, however, that Article 22 of the OAS Charter
specifically allows members with regional security treaties to take
collective action in response to threats to peace and security and
that Article 52 of the UN Charter similarly recognizes the right of
regional security organizations to take collective action.
The applicability of the right to intervene to protect United
States citizens may have been weakened somewhat by an obscure
provision of international law stipulating that such interventions
must be limited strictly to protecting the foreign national from
injury. Whether or not the ouster of the unrecognized RMC regime
exceeded that restriction was unclear. Furthermore, some
commentators argued that the Soviet and Cuban presence in Grenada
did not constitute "external aggression" because it was requested
by the (unelected) regime.
Geopolitical and strategic concerns, although not specifically
cited, also clearly weighed in the decision of the United States
government to act. Without making a public issue of the Bishop
regime's Marxist-Leninist system of government, the Reagan
administration became increasingly concerned over the deepening of
Grenada's political ties to the Soviet Union and Cuba. Of
particular concern to United States policymakers was the potential
use of the island as a Soviet-Cuban base for intervention in nearby
governments, interdiction of vital sea-lanes, reconnaissance by
long-range aircraft, and transport of troops and supplies from Cuba
to Africa and from Eastern Europe and Libya to Central America.
United States strategic affairs analysts have noted that, had
Grenada become a Soviet-Cuban base, maritime and air traffic along
the coast of Venezuela and westward toward the Panama Canal could
have been controlled from the island. The Galleons Passage, one of
the main deep-water oil tanker passages into the region, passes
Grenada's southern coast. The Caribbean's southeastern approaches
offer a naval force the opportunity to dominate the sea-lanes
running from the Strait of Hormuz to the North Atlantic oil-
shipping routes. Moreover, much of the Caribbean production and
refining capability is within tactical air range of Grenada, which
lies fewer than 483 kilometers from the oil fields of Trinidad and
Tobago and eastern Venezuela. Within a 925-kilometer radius of
Grenada--the range of Cuba's MiG-23 fighter-bombers--are the oil
fields, refineries, tanker ports, and sea-lanes that have supplied
a large share of the petroleum imported by the United States.
In support of its claim that Grenada might have served as a
Soviet-Cuban base of operations in the region, the Reagan
administration noted the presence in Grenada in October 1983 of the
well-armed and militarily trained Cubans, mostly construction
workers but also some Cuban troops from the Revolutionary Armed
Forces and the Ministry of Interior; fortifications, including the
battalion-sized military camp built by the Cubans at Calivigny;
warehouses filled with weapons and munitions; the nearly finished
3,048-meter Point Salines runway; personnel from Eastern Europe,
Africa, and East Asia; and captured documents, which included five
secret military agreements: three with the Soviet Union, one with
the People's Democratic Republic of Korea (North Korea), and one
with Cuba. Some leading specialists on Soviet and Cuban policies in
Latin America believe that the voluminous secret files discovered
in Grenada after the invasion amply document the NJM's attempts at
Marxism-Leninism and its extensive political, ideological, and
military ties with the Soviet Union and Cuba.
Another uncited reason for the involvement of the United States
clearly was concern over the potential use of the island as a
staging area for regional subversion. Reagan had stated earlier in
1983 that Grenada was "a Soviet-Cuban colony being readied for use
as a major military bastion to export terror." Although Grenada had
not yet begun exporting revolution to the region, captured Grenada
documents provided ample evidence of these subversive intentions,
as discussed in meetings between Grenadian leaders and their high-
level Soviet counterparts. For example, one document read as
follows: "Our revolution has to be viewed as a worldwide process
with its original roots in the Great October Revolution. For
Grenada to assume a position of increasingly greater importance, we
have to be seen as influencing at least regional events. We have to
establish ourselves as the authority on events in at least the
English-speaking Caribbean, and be a sponsor of revolutionary
activity."
As the first military intervention by the United States in the
English-speaking Caribbean, the Grenada action marked what may be
seen as the final act in the displacement of Britain by the United
States as the region's principal power. In a speech to the Royal
Commonwealth Society in London in November 1983, then-Barbadian
prime minister Adams declared, "In hemispheric terms, 1983 is bound
to be seen as the watershed year in which the influence of the
United States . . . came observably to replace that of Great
Britain in the old British colonies."
The United States Presence in the Region
Both Britain and the United States had diplomatic
representation in the region in the late 1980s. Britain maintained
ties to its former Caribbean colonies through West Indian
diplomatic representation in London and the Meeting of Heads of
Government of the Commonwealth, as well as through the British High
Commission in Barbados, the High Commission representatives on each
OECS island, and representatives or ambassadors to the Bahamas,
Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago. The post-1983 diplomatic
representation of the United States in the Commonwealth Caribbean
islands included embassies located in the Bahamas, Jamaica,
Barbados, Grenada, and Trinidad and Tobago. This representation
remained largely unchanged from the early 1980s, with the exception
of the opening of a United States embassy in Grenada in 1984. The
United States ambassador to Barbados was simultaneously accredited
to five OECS countries: Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, St. Lucia,
St. Christopher (hereafter, St. Kitts) and Nevis, and St. Vincent
and the Grenadines. Only Jamaica and Barbados had a resident
American military attaché; the United States defense attaché in
Venezuela was accredited to Trinidad and Tobago.
Unlike Britain, the United States also maintained a military
presence in the Commonwealth Caribbean islands in the late 1980s,
although it was limited to small naval and air bases in Antigua and
Barbuda and the Bahamas. Under a new basing agreement signed in
April 1984, the United States agreed to pay the Bahamas US$100
million over a 10-year period for the use of 3 navy and air force
sites. In the late 1980s, the United States Navy's Atlantic
Underseas Test and Evaluation Center in the Bahamas and the United
States Virgin Islands was still considered to be of critical
importance to developing American antisubmarine warfare
capabilities. American naval analysts have pointed out that the
archipelago island geography of the Caribbean complicates
monitoring of enemy submarines in the region by serving as a
barrier against detection by the passive sound surveillance
underwater system (sosus). Nevertheless, new technology reportedly
made sosus-monitoring stations on certain islands dispensable. The
American naval facility in Barbados, which included a sosus
listening post, was removed in 1978 and relocated to Antigua. In
the early 1980s, the United States considered closing its small
naval facility on Antigua, including the United States
Oceanographic Research Center there; but after the Grenada
operation, plans were developed to convert the base into a training
facility.
From the 1960s until the early 1980s, the United States Air
Force and United States Navy also had maintained small bases on
Grand Turk Island. In 1982 the air force decided to leave the
island because its facility there was no longer cost effective or
necessary. In 1983 the naval base was closed. For economic reasons
the Turks and Caicos government strongly urged continuation of the
United States facilities; in 1986 the government again indicated
that it would like Washington to reestablish a military presence on
the island.
United States Strategic Interests
Since the Manifest Destiny era of the mid-nineteenth century
and the interventionist period of the early twentieth century, the
United States has shown a strong interest in controlling maritime
choke points in the Caribbean. The Caribbean region's proximity to
the mainland makes it especially important to the defense of the
United States. American strategic affairs analysts generally seem
to agree that if any of the Caribbean rimlands or islands were to
serve as a military base of the Soviet Union, Cuba, or another
enemy power, United States and regional security would be
endangered and the tasks of continental defense, American
importation of strategic minerals and petroleum, and resupply of
NATO forces in a global conflict would be further complicated.
Moreover, the Reagan administration and proponents of its worldview
have argued that the unchallenged peacetime expansion of military
power into the Caribbean by the Soviet-Cuban-Nicaraguan triad could
undermine the position of the United States in the Western
Hemisphere politically and psychologically and undercut American
credibility elsewhere in the world. Academic critics of these
security views have tended to minimize or discount altogether the
significance of additional Soviet-Cuban bases being established in
the Caribbean Basin, arguing in part that the United States would
take appropriate military action against them in the event of a
major war.
The Caribbean region is the strategic link between the North
Atlantic and South Atlantic for navies operating in the two oceans.
The United States-NATO "swing strategy" is dependent on the
security of the Caribbean sea-lanes. Global United States military
strategy relies on moving United States-based forces across the
Atlantic in the event of a crisis in Europe or elsewhere.
In addition to moving troops, as much as 60 percent of the
supplies needed to replenish NATO forces, including petroleum, oil,
and lubricants (POL), would be shipped from United States ports in
the Gulf of Mexico or would pass through the Panama Canal. Fifty
percent of these supplies would transit the Straits of Florida, in
easy striking distance of Cuban torpedo boats and airplanes. In the
event of a NATO-Warsaw Pact conflict, most refined petroleum
products required for the Allied war effort would come from United
States refining facilities along the Gulf coast and major refining
centers along the island chain encircling the Caribbean Sea and the
coasts of South America.
United States trade is also dependent on the security of the
Caribbean. All thirteen sea-lanes in the Caribbean are included in
the thirty-one sea-lanes in the world designated "essential" by the
United States government. A lifeline of seaborne commerce and
communication, the Caribbean is an area of convergence of major
interoceanic trade routes and a logistical and supply route for the
United States. Ships plying these trade routes move bulk
commodities and general cargo between the main production and
consumption areas in Western Europe, southern Asia, Africa, the
Middle East, and the Western Hemisphere. According to the United
States Department of Transportation, 1986 data indicate that
somewhat more than half of the cargo flowing into the Caribbean
originated in the United States, roughly a quarter in Western
Europe, and most of the remainder in Asia.
The aggregate strategic and economic significance of the
Caribbean to the vital interests of the United States may equal or
exceed that of the Persian Gulf. In the mid-1980s, roughly 50
percent of United States exports and 65 to 75 percent of combined
oil and strategic minerals imports were handled in the Gulf of
Mexico ports of Houston, Galveston, Beaumont, New Orleans, and
Mobile and passed through the Panama Canal or the Gulf of Mexico.
The Caribbean sea-lanes, including the Panama Canal, also carried
over 70 percent of United States imports of strategic minerals in
the mid-1980s. Virtually all of the United States defense
industry's vital supplies of manganese and chromium followed the
South Atlantic sea-lanes from the Cape of Good Hope to United
States ports.
The strategic importance of the Caribbean sea-lanes to the
United States and Western Europe began to increase in the mid-1980s
as strategic minerals became scarcer and imports from South Africa
were jeopardized by the growing conflict over that country's
apartheid policy. Should the Suez Canal be blocked during wartime,
traffic probably would increase because more Europe-bound ships
would have to take Caribbean routes. Both Western Europe and Japan
were highly dependent on the Caribbean sea-lanes for trade. No less
than one-half of Western Europe's imported petroleum passed through
the Caribbean in 1986. About 25 percent of Western Europe's
foodstuffs, as well as important minerals such as uranium,
manganese, chromium, platinum, and vanadium, followed this route.
The development of Latin American and Caribbean nations as
major producers of primary minerals for industrialized states
increased their importance to the United States in the 1980s. The
Caribbean Basin is an important source of many American raw
material imports, especially strategic minerals such as antinomy,
barite, bismuth, flourite, graphite, gypsum, mercury, rhenium,
selenium, silver, sulfur, and zinc. Jamaica has been a principal
Caribbean supplier of bauxite and alumina (see Glossary) to the
United States.
In the late 1980s, the United States also was importing POL
products from several Caribbean Basin countries, primarily
Venezuela but also from the Commonwealth Caribbean, mainly Trinidad
and Tobago and the Bahamas. In 1986 Trinidad and Tobago accounted
for 50 percent of United States imports of these products from the
region (about a 17-percent increase over 1982 imports from that
nation), and the Bahamas accounted for 17 percent (about a 3-
percent decrease from 1982 imports). With a production of about 65
million barrels, Trinidad and Tobago is important strategically as
an oil producer. In the late 1980s, a little over 10 percent of
United States imported petroleum, including its oil imports from
Venezuela, was refined in Caribbean ports, such as those in the
Bahamas and Trinidad and Tobago. Before being shipped to the United
States, much of the imported oil not refined in Caribbean ports was
transferred from supertankers to smaller vessels at deep-water
Caribbean harbors. The Commonwealth Caribbean's three transshipment
sites were located next to refineries at South Riding Point,
Bahamas; Cul de Sac Bay, St. Lucia; and off Grand Cayman.
Interdiction of Narcotics Trafficking
The extensive use of Commonwealth Caribbean islands as transit
points for the smuggling of narcotics into the United States by
foreign traffickers in the 1980s became of increasing concern not
only to the United States government but also to island governments
faced with the associated problems of growing corruption and youth
drug addiction. By the mid-1980s, Commonwealth Caribbean countries
such as the Bahamas and Jamaica were shifting rapidly from
primarily transit countries to transit-consumer countries,
according to the United States Department of State's Bureau of
International Narcotics Matters.
In the late 1980s, Jamaica was the only Commonwealth Caribbean
island producing significant amounts of narcotics for clandestine
export to the United States. In 1980 it overtook Mexico as the
second largest supplier, after Colombia, of marijuana to the United
States and maintained that position for much of the decade. During
that period, Jamaica accounted for an estimated 13 to 15 percent of
the marijuana smuggled into the United States mainland, according
to the Department of State. Commonwealth Caribbean islands,
including Jamaica, also were used heavily as a transit point for
drug trafficking between South America and North America. The
Eastern Caribbean archipelago has served as a shipment route for
cocaine smuggled from Colombia and Bolivia to the New York City
area.
The Bahamas had served historically as a conduit for contraband
smuggled into and out of the United States. After 1976 the
archipelago became an important drug-trafficking zone for Colombian
marijuana and other Latin American narcotics. Situated close to
Florida and other states in the southeastern United States, it
became a transit zone for drugs produced in Colombia and Jamaica
and transported to the United States by boat or private aircraft.
According to February 1987 press reports, Norman's Cay, a small
island about sixty kilometers southeast of Nassau, had served as
the main transshipment point for the Medellín Cartel of Colombian
cocaine smugglers since the late 1970s. Having about 700 islands
scattered over 259,000 square kilometers of ocean, the 1,207-
kilometer-long Bahamian archipelago is ideal for drug smugglers.
According to the United States Drug Enforcement Administration,
ships bearing tons of marijuana, often accompanied by cargoes of
cocaine, entered the southern Bahamas after passing through the
Windward Passage and transited either the Caicos, Mayaguana, or
Crooked Island Passage. They also entered from the east through the
Northeast Providence Channel, after navigating the Mona Passage or
taking a longer route on the eastern flank of the Caribbean.
The logistics of drug interdiction in the Caribbean are
extremely difficult. In addition to the Bahamas islands, there are
more than 300 other islands and several thousand cays (see Glossary). The Caribbean landmass includes 13,576 kilometers of
coastline, 32 major ports, and over 400 airfields, not counting
clandestine strips; it is spread across a region that measures
about 2,640,000 square kilometers. Nevertheless, United States law
enforcement agencies and Caribbean governments, particularly those
of the Bahamas and Jamaica, have cooperated actively in combating
drug trafficking during the 1980s. After the Grenada operation in
October 1983, the United States began to seek the cooperation of
Commonwealth Caribbean islands to interdict narcotics trafficking.
All of the United States military aid to the Bahamas, Jamaica, and
Trinidad and Tobago for fiscal year (FY--see Glossary) 1986,
budgeted at US$8.375 million, was intended for fighting drug
traffickers. Jamaica alone received US$8.275 million of that
amount. At an RSS Council of Ministers meeting in Castries, St.
Lucia, in October 1986, the Eastern Caribbean states agreed in
principle to take joint action against drug trafficking by
establishing a regional coast guard surveillance program. They also
agreed to conduct joint drug interdiction exercises aimed at
occupying certain sea-lanes used by narcotics traffickers.
Data as of November 1987
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