Ghana Colonial Administration
Asantehene Otumfuo Nana Opoku Ware II sitting in
state to receive homage from his subjects
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington
The paramount chief of Nakong, Kasena people, far
northern Ghana
Courtesy life in general (Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van)
Beginning in 1850, the coastal regions increasingly came under
control of the governor of the British fortresses, who was assisted
by the Executive Council and the Legislative Council. The Executive
Council was a small advisory body of European officials that
recommended laws and voted taxes, subject to the governor's
approval. The Legislative Council included the members of the
Executive Council and unofficial members initially chosen from
British commercial interests. After 1900 three chiefs and three
other Africans were added to the Legislative Council, these being
chosen from the Europeanized communities of Accra, Cape Coast, and
Sekondi. The inclusion of Africans from Asante and the Northern
Territories did not take place until much later. Prior to 1925, all
members of the Legislative Council were appointed by the governor.
Official members always outnumbered unofficial members.
The gradual emergence of centralized colonial government
brought about unified control over local services, although the
actual administration of these services was still delegated to
local authorities. Specific duties and responsibilities came to be
clearly delineated, and the role of traditional states in local
administration was also clarified.
The structure of local government had its roots in traditional
patterns of government. Village councils of chiefs and elders were
almost exclusively responsible for the immediate needs of
individual localities, including traditional law and order and the
general welfare. The councils, however, ruled by consent rather
than by right. Chiefs were chosen by the ruling class of the
society; a traditional leader continued to rule not only because he
was the choice of what may be termed the nobility, but also because
he was accepted by his people. The unseating or destooling of a
chief by tribal elders was a fairly common practice if the chief
failed to meet the desires or expectations of the community
(see Traditional Patterns of Social Relations
, ch. 2).
Traditional chiefs figured prominently in the system of
indirect rule adopted by British authorities to administer their
colonies in Africa. According to Frederick Lugard, architect of the
policy, indirect rule was cost effective because it reduced the
number of European officials in the field. By allowing local rulers
to exercise direct administrative control over their people,
opposition to European rule from the local population would be
minimized. The chiefs, however, were to take instructions from
their European supervisors. The plan, according to Lugard, had the
further advantage of civilizing the natives, because it exposed
traditional rulers to the benefits of European political
organization and values. This "civilizing" process notwithstanding,
indirect rule had the ultimate advantage of guaranteeing the
maintenance of law and order.
The application of indirect rule in the Gold Coast became
essential, especially after Asante and the Northern Territories
were brought under British rule. Before the effective colonization
of these territories, the intention of the British was to use both
force and agreements to control chiefs in Asante and the north.
Once indirect rule was implemented, the chiefs became responsible
to the colonial authorities who supported them. In many respects,
therefore, the power of each chief was greatly enhanced. Although
Lugard pointed to the civilizing influence of indirect rule,
critics of the policy argued that the element of popular
participation was removed from the traditional political system.
Despite the theoretical argument in favor of decentralization,
indirect rule in practice caused chiefs to look to Accra (the
capital) rather than to their people for all decisions.
Many chiefs and elders came to regard themselves as a ruling
aristocracy. Their councils were generally led by government
commissioners, who often rewarded the chiefs with honors,
decorations, and knighthood. Indirect rule tended to preserve
traditional forms and sources of power, however, and it failed to
provide meaningful opportunities for the growing number of educated
young men anxious to find a niche in their country's development.
Other groups were dissatisfied because there was not sufficient
cooperation between the councils and the central government and
because some felt that the local authorities were too dominated by
the British district commissioners.
In 1925 provincial councils of chiefs were established in all
three territories of the colony, partly to give the chiefs a
colony-wide function. This move was followed in 1927 by the
promulgation of the Native Administration Ordinance, which replaced
an 1883 arrangement that had placed chiefs in the Gold Coast Colony
under British supervision. The purpose was to clarify and to
regulate the powers and areas of jurisdiction of chiefs and
councils. Councils were given specific responsibilities over
disputed elections and the unseating of chiefs; the procedure for
the election of chiefs was set forth; and judicial powers were
defined and delegated. Councils were entrusted with the role of
defining customary law in their areas (the government had to
approve their decisions), and the provincial councils were
empowered to become tribunals to decide matters of customary law
when the dispute lay between chiefs in different hierarchies. Until
1939, when the Native Treasuries Ordinance was passed, however,
there was no provision for local budgets. In 1935 the Native
Authorities Ordinance combined the central colonial government and
the local authorities into a single governing system. New native
authorities, appointed by the governor, were given wide powers of
local government under the supervision of the central government's
provincial commissioners, who assured that their policies would be
those of the central government.
The provincial councils and moves to strengthen them were not
popular. Even by British standards, the chiefs were not given
enough power to be effective instruments of indirect rule. Some
Ghanaians believed that the reforms, by increasing the power of the
chiefs at the expense of local initiative, permitted the colonial
government to avoid movement toward any form of popular
participation in the colony's government.
Data as of November 1994
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