Hungary Postwar Societal Transformation
Even before the communists came to power in 1947, the
turbulent years of World War II had weakened or eliminated
much
of the old stratified society. Devastation from the
fighting in
1944 and 1945, land reforms instituted by the government
in 1945,
and the nationalization of commerce and industry between
1948 and
1953 destroyed the economic base of the old social system.
The
country lost about 300,000 Jews, including much of the
Jewish
business community, to various war-related
causes--deportation,
massacre, disease, and hunger. Only about 260,500, mostly
from
Budapest, survived
(see World War II
, ch. 1).
After the communist takeover, the traditional ruling
class
was virtually eliminated. More extensive land reform
undertaken
by the new regime eventually collectivized the majority of
the
peasantry. In the countryside, anti-kulak measures and
compulsory
deliveries of produce to the state at extremely low prices
destroyed the prosperous peasant class. (In 1948 the term
kulak came to be defined officially as anyone who
owned
more than seven hectares of land or had a landed income
roughly
approximating such ownership. Political conditions caused
many
with less property also to feel threatened.) Rampant
inflation
disrupted all aspects of economic life.
In keeping with Marxist-Leninist ideology, during the
first
decade of communist rule the government sought to create a
classless society through policies such as equalization of
incomes, collectivization of agriculture, expropriation of
property, and tight control over educational opportunities
(see Rakosi's Rule
, ch. 1). On the remaining peasants with
average
incomes and on prosperous peasants, the government imposed
steeply progressive income taxes and requisitioned large
amounts
of produce. Collectivization in the early 1950s caused
many
peasants to seek alternatives to agriculture. Many
retained their
rural residences but commuted daily or weekly to other
jobs,
leaving part of the family to continue some agricultural
work.
Others moved to entirely new jobs, as government policies
promoted rapid development of heavy industry
(see Economic Policy and Performance, 1945-85
, ch. 3).
The social and economic changes that took place after
World
War II promoted social mobility. During the early years of
forced
industrialization and continuing to a lesser extent until
the
early 1960s, the prewar worker strata and peasant strata
had
enhanced opportunities to rise into white-collar
positions. Large
numbers of peasants entered the industrial labor force,
and the
bureaucracy, which grew as a result of centralized
planning, was
open to persons from all social groups.
Some downward mobility also occurred. Disincentives for
formerly independent professionals, crafts people, and
merchants
were overwhelming. Opportunities also dwindled for prewar
executives and managers. Members of the old elite lost
property
and political power and were forced into the middle or
lower
class. A large percentage of the prewar elite left the
country.
Despite such mobility in the early 1950s, an
inegalitarian
social system remained in place. The new political elite
enjoyed
material and symbolic privileges, such as access to
special
stores containing scarce goods or the free use of secluded
and
well-guarded villas, that separated it from the rest of
the
population. A second stratum of the elite consisted of
valuable
persons such as directors of large enterprises and of the
best
collective farms. They too lived in comparative luxury.
The new
elite also included intellectuals who endorsed the party
and its
interests. Their task was to provide legitimacy for the
new
regime. In return, they enjoyed living standards superior
to
those of the working class.
In the aftermath of the Revolution of 1956, career
restrictions on the prewar middle class and intellectuals
began
to ease somewhat as the government ceased most of its
social
engineering efforts
(see Revolution of 1956
, ch. 1). Among
workers and peasants, political loyalty, although
important,
could no longer serve as a vehicle for upward mobility in
the
absence of other qualifications; a person also needed to
have
appropriate educational credentials or skills. However,
political
considerations remained paramount for persons who wanted
to be
part of the ruling political elite.
As the economic reforms introduced in the 1960s
increasingly
affected all aspects of society, stratified social groups
again
made their appearance. By the mid-1970s, the regime's
objective
of a classless society appeared to be increasingly
unattainable.
To reconcile ideology with these realities, ideologists
began
modifying Marxist theory. The regime all but abandoned the
goal
of a classless society, ideologists arguing that in a
socialist
industrial society certain skills and occupations were
more
necessary than others. Thus, those persons with greater
skills
and responsibilities should receive more compensation than
those
making less valuable contributions. Ideologists
rationalized
society's inequalities by maintaining that socioeconomic
distinctions that evolved under a communist system were
qualitatively different from those found in capitalist
countries.
Data as of September 1989
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