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NepalThe Caste System
One integral aspect of Nepalese society is the
existence of the
Hindu caste system, modeled after the ancient and orthodox
Brahmanic system of the Indian plains. The caste system
did not
exist prior to the arrival of Indo-Aryans. Its
establishment became
the basis of the emergence of the feudalistic economic
structure of
Nepal: the high-caste Hindus began to appropriate lands--
particularly lowlands that were more easily accessible,
more
cultivatable, and more productive--including those
belonging to the
existing tribal people, and introduced the system of
individual
ownership. Even though the cultural and religious rigidity
of the
caste system slowly has been eroding, its introduction
into Nepal
was one of the most significant influences stemming from
the
migration of the Indo-Aryan people into the hills. The
migrants
from the north later were incorporated into the Hindu
caste system,
as defined by Indo-Aryan migrants, who quickly controlled
the
positions of power and authority. Tibetan migrants did not
practice
private ownership; their system was based on communal
ownership.
No single, widely acceptable definition can be advanced
for the
caste system. Bishop and others, however, view caste as a
multifaceted status hierarchy composed of all members of
society,
with each individual ranked within the broad, fourfold
Hindu class
(varna, or color) divisions, or within the fifth
class of
untouchables--outcastes and the socially polluted. The
fourfold
caste divisions are Brahman (priests and scholars),
Kshatriya or
Chhetri (rulers and warriors), Vaisya (or Vaisaya,
merchants and
traders), and Sudra (farmers, artisans, and laborers).
These Pahari
caste divisions based on the Hindu system are not strictly
upheld
by the Newars. They have their own caste hierarchy, which,
they
claim, is parallel in caste divisions to the Pahari Hindu
system.
In each system, each caste (jati) is ideally an
endogamous
group in which membership is both hereditary and
permanent. The
only way to change caste status is to undergo
Sanskritization.
Sanskritization can be achieved by migrating to a new area
and by
changing one's caste status and/or marrying across the
caste line,
which can lead to the upgrading or downgrading of caste,
depending
on the spouse's caste. However, given the rigidity of the
caste
system, intercaste marriage carries a social stigma,
especially
when it takes place between two castes at the extreme ends
of the
social spectrum.
As Bishop further asserts, at the core of the caste
structure
is a rank order of values bound up in concepts of ritual
status,
purity, and pollution. Furthermore, caste determines an
individual's behavior, obligations, and expectations. All
the
social, economic, religious, legal, and political
activities of a
caste society are prescribed by sanctions that determine
and limit
access to land, position of political power, and command
of human
labor. Within such a constrictive system, wealth,
political power,
high rank, and privilege converge; hereditary occupational
specialization is a common feature. Nevertheless, caste is
functionally significant only when viewed in a regional or
local
context and at a particular time. The assumed correlation
between
the caste hierarchy and the socioeconomic class hierarchy
does not
always hold. Because of numerous institutional changes
over the
years and increased dilution (or expansion) of the caste
hierarchy
stemming from intercaste marriages, many poor high-caste
and rich
low-caste households could be found in the society in
1991.
Although Paharis, especially those in rural areas, were
generally quite conscious of their caste status, the
question of
caste did not usually arise for Tibeto-Nepalese
communities unless
they were aware of the Hindu caste status arbitrarily
assigned to
them. Insofar as they accepted caste-based notions of
social rank,
the Tibeto-Nepalese tended not only to see themselves at a
higher
level than did the Hindu Pahari and Newar, but also
differed as to
ranking among themselves. Thus, it was doubtful that the
reported
Rai caste's assumption of rank superiority over the Magar
and
Gurung castes was accepted by the two latter groups.
Moreover, the
status of a particular group was apt to vary from place to
place,
depending on its relative demographic size, wealth, and
local
power.
Data as of September 1991
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