NepalSOCIAL SYSTEM AND VALUES, NEPAL
A deforested area, a typicalscene in Nepal
Demands for fuelwood and fodder contribute to the deforestation
problem.
Courtesy United States Agency for International Development
In the mid-twentieth century, Nepal remained gripped in
a
feudalistic socioeconomic structure despite the influence
of
Western popular culture, growing commercialization, and
some
penetration of capitalism. The first challenge to this
feudalistic
power structure came in 1950-51, when the Rana autocracy
was
overthrown by the popular democratic movement that
restored the
authority of the monarchy
(see Rana Rule
, ch. 1).
There was no popularly elected government until 1959.
During
his reign, King Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev frequently
changed the
government, pitting one ruling clan against another in a
manner
clearly reminiscent of Shah politics prior to the rise of
Rana rule
(see The Democratic Experiment
, ch. 1). He also
reconstituted the
system of palace patronage, replacing the system of Rana
patronage.
The Ranas, however, firmly controlled the armed forces
(see Armed Forces and Society
, ch. 5).
In December 1960, King Mahendra launched a palace coup
against
the popularly elected government of Prime Minister
Bishweshwar
Prasad (B.P.) Koirala and reestablished his absolute
monarchical
rule under the banner of the partyless
panchayat (see Glossary)
system
(see Political Dynamics
, ch. 4). Until
early 1990,
the panchayat system, strictly controlled by the
palace,
remained firmly in place. The transition to a new social
order was
stymied; society remained entrenched in a feudalistic
structure.
There was, however, a tide of Western popular culture
and
commercialization sweeping over Nepal. In the 1960s and
1970s, many
Westerners, so-called hippies, were attracted to Nepal,
looking for
inexpensive marijuana and hashish. Nepal suddenly emerged
as a
"hippie Shangri-la." There were no laws or legal
restrictions on
the sale and purchase of such drugs, and they could be
used openly.
In fact, some Westerners thought the Nepalese were
generally happy
and content because they were always high. Although this
view was
a distortion, nonetheless it was very common to see
elderly
Nepalese men smoking marijuana, invariably mixed with
tobacco, in
public. Marijuana plants grew almost everywhere; sometimes
they
were found growing even along main streets. Locally
produced
hashish also was widely consumed, particularly during
festivals
celebrated by some ethnic groups and tribes. It was,
however, very
unusual for a Nepalese to develop a marijuana or hashish
habit
until reaching about forty years of age.
By the late 1980s, the situation had changed
dramatically.
There was an emerging drug subculture in the urban areas,
and a
number of youths, including college and high school
students, sold
and consumed drugs. Many of these youths had gone beyond
using
marijuana and hashish to more potent drugs, such as
"crack" and
cocaine--drugs unheard of in the past. In the 1960s,
Westerners had
sought release from the overbearing materialism of
developed
countries; they copied the Nepalese (and other Easterners)
who
smoked marijuana and hashish. Ironically, in the 1980s and
1990s,
it was Nepalese youths who were enchanted by the North
American
material and drug culture. There were an estimated 20,000
heroin
addicts in 1989. In response to the drug situation in the
country,
in the late 1980s the government initiated antinarcotics
measures
and narcotics training, and King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah
Dev
directed extensive media attention to narcotics abuse. The
effectiveness of the battle against narcotics, however,
was limited
by the lack of an official government body to target drug
abuse.
Data as of September 1991
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