South Korea The Society and Its Environment
North Watergate, Suwon Castle, has a stone bridge with seven
arches spanning the Namch'on River.
FEW SOCIETIES HAVE CHANGED as rapidly or as dramatically since
the end of World War II as that of the Republic of Korea (South
Korea). When the war ended in 1945, the great majority of the
people living in the southern half of the Korean Peninsula were
poor peasants. The Japanese colonial regime from 1910 to 1945 had
promoted modernization of the economy and society, but this had a
limited, and mainly negative, impact on most Koreans as its main
intent was to serve Japan. The poverty and distress of the South
Koreans were deepened by the Korean War of 1950-53 when numerous
people died and cities and towns were devastated. During the next
four decades, however, South Korea evolved into a dynamic,
industrial society. By 1990 educational and public health
standards were high, most people lived in urban areas, and a
complex structure of social classes had emerged that resembled
the social structures of developed Western countries or Japan.
The country also was making substantial progress in its evolution
from a military dictatorship similar to that of many Third World
regimes to a democratic, pluralistic political system. In the
mid-1950s, few observers could have imagined that Seoul, the
country's capital, would emerge from the devastation of war to
become one of the world's most vibrant metropolitan centers--
rivaling Tokyo, Hong Kong, and Los Angeles.
Colonial occupation, war, and the tragedy of national
division fostered abrupt social changes. Rapid economic growth
engendered profound changes in values and human relationships.
Yet there also was continuity with the past. Confucian and neoConfucian ideas and institutions, which flourished during the
Choson Dynasty (1392-1910), continued to have an important impact
in 1990. The Confucian influence was most evident in the
tremendous value placed on education, a major factor in South
Korea's economic progress. Equally evident was the persistence of
hierarchical, often authoritarian, modes of human interaction
that reflected neo-Confucianism's emphasis on inequality.
The complex kinship structures of the past, sanctified by
Confucianism, had eroded because of urbanization but did not
disappear. In 1990 Koreans were more likely to live in nuclear
families than their parents or grandparents, but old Confucian
ideas of filial piety still were strong. At the same time,
contemporary social values were influenced by traditional but
non-Confucian Korean values, such as shamanism and Buddhism, and
by ideas brought into the country from the West and Japan.
The population of the Korean Peninsula, sharing a common
language, ethnic identity, and culture, was one of the world's
most homogeneous. Although there were significant regional
differences even within the relatively small land area of South
Korea, neither the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North
Korea) nor South Korea had significant non-Korean ethnic
minorities. This homogeneity, and the sense of a shared
historical experience that it promoted, gave the people of South
Korea a strong sense of national purpose. However, the years of
Japanese colonial rule, the division of the peninsula after World
War II, the establishment of two antagonistic states in the north
and south, and the profound changes in the economy and society
caused by industrialization and urbanization since the 1950s led
many South Koreans to search anew for their national identity and
place in the world. Often, the concern for identity expressed
itself as xenophobia, the creation of a "national mythology" that
was given official or semiofficial sanction, or the search for
the special and unique "essence" of Korean culture.
Data as of June 1990
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