Syria WORLD WAR I AND ARAB NATIONALISM
The rolling countryside of Al Ladhiqiyah Province, home to
many of Syria's Alawis
Courtesy Embassy of Syria
The period from the outbreak of World War I in 1914 to the
granting of France's mandate over Syria by the League of Nations
in 1922 was marked by a complicated sequence of events and power
politics during which Syrians achieved a brief moment of
independence. Syrian intellectuals, many of them graduates of
European and European- or American-run universities, were urging
the study of Arab history, literature, and language. Also, groups
of Syrians publicly demanded decentralization of Ottoman
administration and administrative reform. As Ottoman governors
such as Jamal Pasha suppressed them, Syrians went underground and
demanded complete Arab independence. One of the first secret
groups to form was Al Jamiyyah al Arabiyah al Fatat (the Young
Arab Society, known as Al Fatat, not to be confused with the
contemporary Al Fatah, or Fatah, of the Palestine Liberation
Organization--PLO), of which Prince Faysal, son of Sharif Husayn
of Mecca, was a member. Another group was Al Ahd (the Covenant),
a secret association of Arab army officers.
Following the outbreak of World War I, Jamal Pasha determined
to tighten his control over Syria. Attacking dissidents
ruthlessly, he arrested Al Fatat members. Twenty-one Arabs were
hanged in the city squares of Damascus and Beirut on the morning
of May 6, 1915. The event is commemorated as Martyrs' Day, a
national holiday in Syria and Lebanon.
Events leading to Syria's momentary independence began in the
Arabian Peninsula. The British--anxious for Arab support against
the Ottomans in the war and desiring to strengthen their position
vis-a-vis the French in the determination of the Middle East's
future--asked Sharif Husayn, leader of the Hashimite family and
an Ottoman appointee over the Hijaz, to lead the Arabs in revolt.
In return the British gave certain assurances, which Husayn
interpreted as an endorsement of his eventual kingship of the
Arab world. From the Arab nationalists in Damascus came pleas for
the Hashimites to assume leadership. Husayn accepted, and on June
5, 1916, the Hijazi tribesmen, led by Husayn's sons and later
advised by such British officers as T.E. Lawrence, rose against
the Turks. In October 1918, Faysal entered Damascus as a popular
hero.
Faysal, as military governor, assumed immediate control of
all Syria except for the areas along the Mediterranean coast
where French troops were garrisoned. In July 1919, he convened
the General Syrian Congress, which declared Syria sovereign and
free. In March 1920, the congress proclaimed Faysal king of
Syria.
Faysal and his Syrian supporters began reconstructing Syria.
They declared Arabic the official language and proceeded to have
school texts translated from Turkish. They reopened schools and
started new ones, including the Faculty of Law at the Syrian
University and the Arab Academy in Damascus. Also, Faysal
appointed a committee to begin drawing up a constitution.
In the areas still held by the French, Syrians continued to
revolt. In the Jabal an Nusayriyah around Latakia in the
northwest, there was an uprising against French troops in May
1919. Along the Turkish border, the nationalist leader Ibrahim
Hannanu incited another rebellion in July 1919. The French
defeated these attempts but not before Hannanu and Faysal had
acquired permanent places in Syrian history as heroes.
Three forces worked against Arab nationalism and Faysal's
budding Arab monarchy. One was Britain's earlier interest in
keeping eastern Mesopotamia under control, both to counter
Russian influence in the north and to protect oil interests in
the area. The second was Zionism and the Jewish interest in
Palestine. Although Britain had promised to recognize "an
independent Arab State or a Confederation of Arab States" in the
Sykes-Picot Agreement of May 16, 1916, (not published until
later-see below), in the Balfour Declaration of 1917 it had also
promised Zionists a "national home" in Palestine. The two
promises were in direct conflict. The third force was France's
determination to remain a power in the Middle East. Earlier in
the war, the French, British, Italians, and Russians had met
secretly to decide the fate of Arab lands. After the Russian
Revolution, the Bolsheviks published secret diplomatic documents,
among them the Sykes-Picot Agreement. In this agreement, signed
only six months after the British had vaguely promised Husayn an
Arab kingdom, Britain and France agreed to give the French
paramount influence in what became Syria and Lebanon; the British
were to have predominance in what became Transjordan and Iraq.
At the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919, Woodrow Wilson
asked that the Arab claims to independence be given
consideration, and Faysal was invited to present the Arab cause.
His pleas were unavailing, as was a report recommending Syrian
independence under Faysal or a United States mandate over the
country. Disappointed by his failure at Versailles, Faysal
returned to Damascus and declared again that Syria was
nevertheless free and independent.
France and Britain refused to recognize Syria's independence,
and the Supreme Allied Council, meeting in San Remo, Italy, in
April 1920, partitioned the Arab world into mandates as
prearranged by the earlier Sykes-Picot Agreement. Syria became a
French mandate, and French soldiers began marching from Beirut to
Damascus. Arab resistance was crushed, and on July 25, 1920, the
French took Damascus. Faysal fled to Europe and did not return to
the Middle East until the British made him king of Iraq in 1921.
Faysal's brother Abdullah was recognized by the British as the
amir of the region that became known as Transjordan. The
boundaries of these states were thus drawn unilaterally by the
European allies after World War I. Syria had experienced its
brief moment of independence (1919-20), the loss of which Syrians
blamed on France and Britain. These events left a lasting
bitterness against the West and a deep-seated determination to
reunite Arabs into one state. This was the primary basis for
modern Arab nationalism and the central ideological concept of
future pan-Arab parties, such as the Baath (Arab Socialist
Resurrection) Party and the Arab National Movement. Aspects of
the ideology also were evolved in the 1950s and 1960s by Gamal
Abdul Nasser of Egypt.
Data as of April 1987
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