Uruguay PUBLIC ORDER AND INTERNAL SECURITY
A 1984 election campaign poster demanding amnesty for
Tupamaros Graffito denouncing Uruguay's foreign debt and the
International Monetary Fund, displayed during the 1984 election
campaign
Courtesy Charles Guy Gillespie
Two Uruguayan marines demonstrate a search of a vehicle and
its occupant.
Courtesy United States Department of Defense
Public order was well established in the nation, and
the
government committed sufficient resources to law
enforcement to
maintain domestic order throughout the country. Urban and
rural
areas were generally safe, as was travel throughout the
nation.
Citizens were able to conduct day-to-day affairs in peace
and
without government interference. The constitution
guaranteed the
right to privacy and due process and freedom of the press,
association, assembly, and religion. After the return to
civilian
rule in 1985, all of these rights were routinely respected
by the
government and by law enforcement agencies.
Several groups that were suppressed or banned under the
period of military rule had since emerged as active
participants
in the national political life. These included leftist
political
parties, students, and labor organizations. During the
late
1980s, each of these groups participated in protests or
demonstrations. Such actions required government permits,
which
were routinely granted. Demonstrations by these groups
were
generally peaceful and free from government harassment.
Disputes between political parties or between factions
of the
same party occasionally flared into violence during the
late
1980s; violence was usually minor, however, taking the
form of
vandalism or arson against party offices. In general, few
injuries and little damage were sustained. In 1985 the
government
legalized all political parties, and as of 1990 there were
no
known political prisoners or any banned or illegal
political
groups in the nation.
The MLN-T, also known as the Tupamaros, was a former
urban
guerrilla organization given amnesty in 1985. The MLN-T
was
established in 1962 by Raúl Sendic Antonaccio, leader of a
group
of students, peasants, and intellectuals who espoused an
extreme
nationalist and socialist ideology. Organized according to
a
clandestine cell-based structure, the movement conducted a
guerrilla campaign from 1963 to 1973 that included bank
robberies, kidnappings, sabotage, and jail breaks. The
army
effectively destroyed the Tupamaros in 1972, and its
leaders were
imprisoned for long terms or forced into exile
(see The Military Government, 1973-85
, ch. 1). After the remaining Tupamaro
prisoners were freed under an amnesty decree in March
1985, the
MLN-T publicly renounced armed struggle and committed
itself to
left-wing parliamentary politics. In 1990 the Tupamaros
constituted a marginal political force of some several
hundred
members
(see Political Parties
, ch. 4). The group
published a
newspaper and operated a radio station in Montevideo.
Student organizations, repressed during the military
regime,
reestablished themselves in 1985 when academic freedom and
university autonomy were restored. Several professors who
had
been dismissed for ideological reasons were allowed to
return to
their positions as well. During the late 1980s, students
held
several protests, none of which had a serious effect on
public
order
(see Political Forces and Interest Groups
, ch. 4).
Labor unions and labor activists were also targets of
repression under the military regime. During the late
1980s,
however, labor activity resumed, and several labor actions
and
strikes took place. Certain of these activities caused
localized
disruption of day-to-day activities, but most grievances
were
solved within a short time, and none led to serious
violence. In
1986, during a strike by the staff of the state-owned
National
Administration of Fuels, Alcohol, and Portland Cement
(Administración Nacional de Combustibles, Alcohol, y
Portland--
ANCAP), the military was called in to ensure distribution
of fuel
but did not act in a law enforcement capacity
(see Labor
, ch. 3).
Local and international human rights groups operated
freely
in the nation during the late 1980s, and these groups
surfaced no
credible reports of killings or disappearances. The
constitution
forbade brutal treatment of prisoners, and there were few
accusations of torture of prisoners after 1985. The most
dramatic
exception took place in mid-1989, when the death of a
bricklayer
while in police custody led to charges of police brutality
and
mistreatment. Although the police maintained the man
hanged
himself in his cell, controversy over the case led to the
resignation of the minister of the interior and to the
conviction
of a deputy police chief for misconduct.
Human rights groups took serious exception to the 1986
law
providing amnesty for military and police personnel
charged with
committing human rights abuses under the military
government.
According to a study by the General Assembly, some
forty-six
members of the military and police benefited from the
amnesty.
Human rights groups, however, claimed that the real number
was
well over 100. Military and police officers charged with
corruption or with financial irregularities were not
covered
under the amnesty. In 1988 a former army general and a
former
minister of agriculture and fishing were charged with
making
illicit financial transactions during the period of
military
rule.
Data as of December 1990
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