Angola Portuguese Economic Interests and Resistance to Angolan Independence
Portugal's motivation to fight Angolan nationalism was
based on
economic factors. Salazar had instituted an economic
system in 1935
that was designed to exploit the colonies for the benefit
of
Portugal by excluding or strictly limiting foreign
investments. But
by April 1965, Portugal faced increasing defense
expenditures in
order to resist the growing military strength of the
nationalist
movements, the MPLA in particular. This turn of events
forced
Salazar to permit the influx of foreign capital, which
resulted in
rapid economic growth in Angola.
One of the most lucrative foreign investments was made
by the
Cabinda Gulf Oil Company (Cabgoc), a subsidiary of the
United
States-based company Gulf Oil (now Chevron), which found
oil in the
waters off Cabinda. Other economic concerns included iron,
diamonds, and the manufacturing sector, all of which
experienced an
enormous increase in production from the mid-1960s to 1974
(see Background to Economic Development
, ch. 3). By this time,
Angola
had become far more valuable economically to Portugal than
Mozambique or any of its other colonies. Consequently,
Angola's
economic growth reinforced Portugal's determination to
refuse
Angolan independence.
One of the most far-reaching and damaging features of
the
Portuguese counterinsurgency was the implementation of a
resettlement program in 1967. By grouping dispersed
Africans into
large villages organized by the military in eastern and
northwestern Angola, the Portuguese hoped to achieve
organized
local defense against guerrilla attacks and to prevent
insurgent
infiltration and mobilization among peasants. Outside the
fighting
zones, the Portuguese used resettlement villages to
promote
economic and social development as a means of winning
African
support. The Portuguese further controlled the African
population
by establishing a network of spies and informers in each
resettlement village.
By 1974 more than 1 million peasants had been moved
into
resettlement villages. The widespread disruption in rural
Angola
caused by the resettlement program, which failed to stop
the
insurgency, had profound and long-term effects on the
rural
population. The breakdown in the agricultural sector in
particular
was so pervasive that rural reconstruction and development
in
independent Angola had, as of 1988, never really
succeeded.
The Portuguese armed forces gained an advantage over the
insurgents
by the end of 1973 through the use of napalm and
defoliants. The
MPLA suffered the most from counterinsurgency operations,
which
were concentrated in the east, where the MPLA had its
greatest
strength. The MPLA's military failures also caused further
conflicts between its political and military wings, as
guerrilla
commanders blamed the MPLA political leadership for the
organization's declining military fortunes. In addition,
the Soviet
Union's support for Neto was never wholehearted.
The FNLA, which fought from Zairian bases, made little
progress
inside Angola. Furthermore, the Kinshasa government,
reacting to a
1969 Portuguese raid on a Zairian border village that the
FNLA used
as a staging base, shut down three border camps, making it
even
more difficult for the FNLA to launch actions into Angola.
Moreover, internal dissent among FNLA troops exploded into
a mutiny
in 1972; Mobutu sent Zairian troops to suppress the mutiny
and save
his friend Roberto from being overthrown. Although the
Zairian army
reorganized, retrained, and equipped FNLA guerrillas in
the
aftermath of the mutiny, the FNLA never posed a serious
threat to
the Portuguese.
UNITA was also suffering from a variety of problems by
the end
of 1973. Militarily it was the weakest nationalist
movement. The
organization's military arm lacked sufficient weaponry.
Many of its
Chokwe members, who did not have the ethnic loyalty to the
organization felt by the Ovimbundu, went over to the
better-armed
FNLA and MPLA.
Data as of February 1989
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