Japan LIVING STANDARDS
With more than 5 million units in use, vending machines
have become a ubiquitous feature of Japanese daily life.
Courtesy Kenji Nachi and Hitachi
In general, Japanese consumers have benefited from the
nation's
economic growth, while in turn they have stimulated the
economy
through demand for sophisticated products, loyalty to
domestically
produced goods, and saving and pooling investment funds.
But
personal disposable income has not risen as fast as the
economy as
a whole in many years--at 1 percentage point less than
average GNP
growth in the late 1980s. Despite the hard work and
sacrifice that
have made Japan one of the wealthiest nations in the
world, some
Japanese feel they are "a rich nation, but a poor people."
Such a
negative view of the economy is prompted by the fact that
the
average consumer have to pay dearly for goods and services
that are
much cheaper elsewhere.
Real household expenditures did rise during Japan's
economic
growth. Living standards improved sharply in the 1970s and
1980s.
The share of total family living expenses devoted to food
dropped
from 35 percent in 1970 to 27 percent in 1986, while net
household
savings, which averaged slightly over 20 percent in the
mid-1970s,
averaged between 15 and 20 percent in the 1980s. Japanese
households thus had greater disposable income to pay for
improved
housing and other consumer items. The increase in
disposable income
partly explained the economic boom of the 1980s, which was
pushed
by explosive domestic demand.
Japanese income distribution in the 1980s, both before
and
after taxes, was among the most equitable in the world. An
important factor in income distribution is that the lower
income
group is better off than in most industrialized countries.
Japanese homes, although they are relatively new, are
much
smaller and often have fewer amenities than those in other
industrialized nations. Even though the percentage of
residences
with flush toilets jumped from 31.4 percent in 1973 to
65.8 percent
in 1988, this figure was still far lower than in other
industrialized states. In some primarily rural areas of
Japan, it
was still under 30 percent. Even 9.7 percent of homes
built between
1986 and 1988 did not have flush toilets. People in other
industrialized countries take central heating and either a
shower
or bath for granted, but many Japanese homes are lacking
in all
three. However, by 1988 only 9 percent of Japanese
residences had
no bathtub, a figure that had improved from nearly 27
percent in
1973. The alternative for many Japanese remains public
baths,
although these are gradually disappearing. Additionally,
81 percent
of Japanese households use kerosene heaters as the main
source of
heat.
Japanese housing is very expensive relative to annual
income,
but the high cost is somewhat offset by low interest rates
and
probable future income gains, making Japanese housing more
affordable than it might appear. There are also many urban
apartments found near public transportation that rented
for as
little as US$600 to US$800 a month in 1990.
The Westernization of many areas of Japanese life
includes
consuming a greater diversity of foods. After World War
II,
Japanese dietary patterns changed radically and came to
resemble
those of the West. While older Japanese still prefer a
breakfast
with traditional dishes--boiled rice, miso soup, and
pickled
vegetables--younger Japanese have toast and coffee. The
Japanese
diet improved along with other living standards. Average
intake per
day was 2,084 calories and 77.9 grams of protein in the
late 1980s.
Of total protein intake, 26.5 percent came from cereals
(including
18.4 percent from rice), 9.6 percent from pulses, 23.1
percent from
fish, 14.8 percent from livestock products, 11 percent
from eggs
and milk, and 15 percent from other sources. Before World
War II,
the average annual consumption of rice was 140 kilograms
per
capita, but it fell to 72 kilograms in 1987. This
development
further exacerbated the problem of rice oversupply,
leading to a
huge rice stock and creating great deficits in the
government's
foodstuff control account. The government inaugurated
several
policies to switch to nonrice crops, but they met with
limited
success and rice remained in oversupply.
A negative aspect of Japan's economic growth is
industrial
pollution. Until the mid-1970s, both public and private
sectors
pursued economic growth with such single-mindedness that
prosperity
was accompanied by severe degradation of both the
environment and
the quality of life
(see Pollution
, ch. 2).
Typically, Japanese consumers have been savers as well
as
buyers, partly because of habit, but by 1980 the consumer
credit
industry began to flourish. Younger families are
particularly prone
to take on debt. Housing is the largest single item for
which
consumers contracted loans. In 1989 families annually
borrowed an
estimated US$17,000 or about 23 percent of their average
savings.
Those who wished to buy houses and real estate needed an
average
US$242,600, of which they borrowed about US$129,000. But
many
younger families in the 1980s were giving up the idea of
ever
buying a house. This change led many young Japanese to
spend part
of their savings on trips abroad, expensive consumer
items, and
other luxuries. As one young worker put it, "If I can
never buy a
house, at least I can use my money to enjoy life now." As
credit
card and finance agency facilities expanded, the use of
credit to
procure other consumer durables was spreading. By 1989 the
number
of credit cards issued in Japan reached virtual parity
with the
population.
Japanese families still feel that saving for retirement
is
critical because of the relative inadequacy of official
social
security and private pension plans. The average family in
1989 had
US$76,500 in savings, a figure far short of what was
needed to
cover the living expenses for retired individuals,
although
official pensions and retirement allowances did help cover
the
financial burdens of senior citizens. The annual living
expenses
for retired individuals in 1989 were estimated at
US$22,800, half
of which was received from government pensions and the
rest from
savings and retirement allowances. Senior citizens in
their
seventies had the largest savings, including deposits,
insurance,
and negotiable securities worth an estimated US$113,000
per person.
In 1989 individuals in their twenties had savings
amounting to
US$23,800, while salaried workers in their thirties had
US$66,000
in savings.
The Japanese consumer benefits most from the
availability of
compact, sophisticated consumer products that are popular
exports.
Television sets, watches, clothing, automobiles, household
appliances, and personal computers are quality items that
industry
provided in quantity. In the late 1980s, virtually every
Japanese
family had one or more television sets, a washing machine,
a
refrigerator, small space heaters, and cameras. Sixty
percent of
Japanese homes in 1989 had air conditioning of some kind.
Other
popular items in the 1980s included electric ranges, video
cassette
recorders, video cameras, compact disc players, and
personal
computers. Most families had an automobile.
It is difficult to make cross-cultural comparisons, but
one
Japanese social scientist ranked Japan among a group of
ten other
industrialized nations according to a variety of
variables. In this
comparison, for which there are data from the mid-1970s to
the late
1980s, Japan was better than average in terms of overall
income
distribution, per capita disposable income, traffic safety
and
crime, life expectancy and infant mortality, proportion of
owner-
occupied homes, work stoppages and labor unrest, worker
absenteeism, and air pollution. Japan was below average
for wage
differentials by gender and firm size, labor's share of
total
manufacturing income, social security and unemployment
benefits,
weekly workdays and daily work hours, overall price of
land and
housing, river pollution, sewage facilities, and
recreational park
areas in urban centers. Some of these variables,
especially
pollution and increased leisure time, improved in the
1980s, and,
in general, living standards in Japan were comparable to
those of
the world's wealthiest economies.
* * *
There are numerous excellent works on the Japanese
economy from
a variety of perspectives. Studies charting the nation's
modernization from the prewar era include William W.
Lockwood's
The State and Economic Enterprise in Japan, G.C.
Allen's
Japan's Economic Policy, and Allen's A Short
Economic
History of Modern Japan. The best source for prewar
data is
Patterns of Japanese Economic Development, edited
by Ohkawa
Kazushi and Miyohei Shinohara. Among general works on the
postwar
economy are Asia's New Giant, edited by Hugh
Patrick and
Henry Rosovsky, and The Japanese Economic System,
by Haitani
Kanji. Both works are out of date, but give an accurate
appraisal
of the Japanese economy through the 1970s. More up-to-date
works
include The Political Economy of Japan, edited by
Kozo
Yamamura and Yasukichi Yasuba, Frank Gibney's Miracle
by
Design, Daniel A. Metraux's The Japanese Economy
and the
American Businessman, Edward J. Lincoln's Japan:
Facing
Economic Maturity, and Kunio Yoshihara's Japanese
Economic
Development. Rodney Clark's The Japanese
Company is an
excellent summary of research on the Japanese corporate
system and
labor-management relations. Some of the better books on
Japanese
management and labor include Michael A. Cusumano's The
Japanese
Automobile Industry, W. Mark Fruin's Kikkoman:
Company,
Clan, and Community, R.P. Dore's classic, British
Factory,
Japanese Factory, Andrew Gordon's The Evolution of
Labor
Relations in Japan, and Taishiro Shirai's
Contemporary
Industrial Relations in Japan. An excellent study of
government-business relations is found in Industrial
Policy of
Japan, edited by Ryutaro Komiya, Masahiro Okuno, and
Kotaro
Suzumura. An equally comprehensive work is Chalmers
Johnson's
MITI and the Japanese Miracle. Excellent coverage
of Japan's
financial and corporate worlds is found in Robert J.
Ballon and
Iwao Tomita's The Financial Behavior of Japanese
Corporations, Aron Viner's Inside Japan's Financial
Markets, and James C. Abeggleu and George Stalk, Jr.'s
Kaisha: The Japanese Corporation. The Japan
Statistical
Yearbook produced by Japan's Management and
Coordination Agency
provides up-to-date statistics. For up-to-date and
sophisticated
analyses, see the publications of the Washington-based
Japan
Economic Institute of America (JEI). Regular JEI
publications
include the monthly Japan Economic Survey and the
weekly
JEI Report. For a Japanese perspective on the
economy, see
articles in the English-language Japan Economic
Journal,
Journal of Japanese Trade & Industry, Mitsubishi
Bank
Review, Japan Times Weekly, Japan Echo,
and
The Japan Economic Review [all published in Tokyo].
There
are frequent articles on the Japanese economy in Far
Eastern
Economic Review [Hong Kong] and Asian Survey.
(For
further information and complete citations, see Bibliography).
Data as of January 1994
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