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MongoliaDemocratic Centralism
Under the guidance of early party leaders Horloyn Choybalsan
and Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal, the principle of democratic centralism
was weighted heavily toward its centralizing features, just as it
was being applied in the Soviet Union under Josef Stalin. Purges,
reprisals, and political violence in Mongolia mirrored the
arbitrary behavior of Stalin. Choybalsan directed his attacks
against political foes, rivals, and religious institutions. After
Choybalsan's death in 1952 and Tsedenbal's emergence as the top
party and government leader, Mongolian politics again followed
the Soviet example. Starting in 1956, Tsedenbal initiated an
extensive anti-Stalinist, anti-Choybalsan campaign, accusing the
party leader of having conducted a "cult of personality" like
Stalin.
In 1989, in the latest mirroring of Soviet politics,
observers concluded that the democratic aspects of democratic
centralism were beginning to play an enhanced role in Mongolian
politics. Highly personalized and centralized politics were
giving way to increased involvement by more democratic or
representative sectors. Party general secretary Batmonh, speaking
before the important fifth plenary session of the Central
Committee held December 21-22, 1988, emphasized the need for
"renewal" of the Mongolian sociopolitical system by
"democratizing the party's inner life." Just before the plenary
session, in November 1988, Batmonh pointed to the poor
performance of the Mongolian economy even under the policies of
"renewal," or Soviet-style restructuring. He gave as reasons for
this condition a lack of vitality in the Mongolian political
system, which, he said, could be remedied only by a more open and
free social and political system.
At the December 1988 plenary session, which focused on reform
of the political system, Batmonh spoke at length on the Mongolian
equivalent of glasnost and perestroika and, for the
first time, identified by name his predecessor, Tsedenbal, with
the social, economic, and political problems that plagued
Mongolia. In addition, Batmonh linked Tsedenbal's shortcomings
with the "serious damage" that the personality cult of Choybalsan
had caused and charged that "democracy was restricted and the
administrative-command method of management took the upper hand."
Probably with a view to containing the political impact of
these provocative statements, Batmonh urged the leadership to
recognize these mistakes in leadership in a positive and
instructive way. He also laid out the new political course by
emphasizing that "a key point to the transformation and renewal"
was recognition of the importance of the various levels of
assemblies of people's deputies. He said the assemblies' deputies
embodied the institutional expression of self-government now
regarded as essential to the efficient and effective functioning
of the political system. In addition to stressing the importance
of these representative bodies, Batmonh exhorted several key mass
organizations, particularly the trade unions and the Mongolian
Revolutionary Youth League, to play a more active role in
"perfecting organizational renewal" by becoming more vocal about
issues and more involved in reform programs. Accordingly,
democratic reform was to be carried out at all levels--in central
and local government bodies, as well as in party, state, and mass
organizations. The assemblies of people's deputies and all mass
organizations were to be made responsible for "perfecting" the
government system by engaging in free dialogue and in criticism
and debate of reform issues and programs.
This speech by Batmonh set the agenda for further party
action. The fifth plenary session concluded with the Central
Committee's adoption of a seven-point resolution espousing the
democratization of the political system. Batmonh discussed the
major party reforms involved during an interview reported in the
March 1989 issue of the Soviet periodical, New Times. They
included: reducing the size of the Mongolian People's
Revolutionary Party membership and giving priority to the primary
party organization, the point of contact with the Mongolian
population; setting a fixed five-year term of office for elected
party bodies, from the Central Committee to the district party
committee, and limiting the opportunity to be reelected to one
further consecutive term; holding party conferences every two to
three years, with the partial--up to 25 percent--replacement of
members of party committees; and conducting Political Bureau and
Secretariat elections by secret ballot. In general, these party
reforms were to contribute to a rejuvenation of party leadership
and to democratize internal party politics.
Batmonh revealed that government reforms being proposed at
the fifth plenary session were to emphasize the People's Great
Hural and assemblies of people's deputies as the "political basis
of the state." He said that a distinction would be more clearly
drawn between the functions of party and state organizations.
Briefly, party organizations were to make policy decisions, the
results of which were to be managed and implemented through
government representative bodies. Major government reforms
included reducing and streamlining the government bureaucracy;
limiting the term in office in any of the representative
assemblies to five years, with only one opportunity for
reelection; nominating several candidates for an office; and
discussing candidate qualifications freely. Following up on the
fifth plenary session's initiatives, the Political Bureau
proposed developing revisions to both the Party Program and the
state Constitution to reflect Batmonh's concerns. In February
1989, a commission was formed to begin drafting a new edition of
the state Constitution, to be presented for national discussion
by December 1989. Addressing its first meeting, Batmonh asserted
that "implementation of restructuring in the country was
impossible without perfecting its existing laws, and this matter
should be started with a new edition of the . . . Constitution."
In addition, a new body was being planned, the Commission for
Constitutional Control, to improve adherence to the Constitution.
Revisions of the Rules of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary
Party and to the Party Program were to be ready for the Twentieth
Party Congress planned for 1991.
In large measure, Batmonh's efforts to emphasize and to
strengthen the democratic features in the political system
reflected his responsiveness to precedents set in Moscow.
Nevertheless, if implemented, these reforms may have at least the
short-term effect of opening debate and allowing more discussion
of pressing local issues, a development that might improve the
quality of life for Mongolians. Over the long term, the
permanence of these "democratic" policies was likely to be
related closely to the success or the failure of the ongoing
economic programs.
Batmonh's professional background fits neatly into the mold
of the senior Mongolian political leader. He was born in 1926 in
Hyargas Somon, Uvs Aymag, in western Mongolia, reportedly to a
peasant family of herdsmen. Like his predecessor, Tsedenbal,
Batmonh was educated in the Soviet Union, at the Academy of
Social Sciences. Typical of past and present members of the party
Political Bureau, Batmonh has a strong economic-technical
background. He studied at the Mongolian State University, and in
the late 1960s he was rector of the Higher School of Economics.
From 1963 to 1973, he was vice rector and then rector of the
Mongolian State University. Batmonh's political ascent was rapid
and remarkable. While serving as head of the Central Committee's
Department of Science and Education, he became chairman of the
Council of Ministers in June 1974, without first being elected to
Political Bureau membership. At that time, he was only a
candidate member of the Central Committee. By December 1984,
Batmonh was concurrently the party's general secretary, having
replaced Tsedenbal in August, and chairman of the Presidium of
the People's Great Hural. He thus had control over, and access
to, the two governing bureaucracies, securing his place at the
center of the political system.
Sodnom was the second most prominent leader in Mongolia in
the late 1980s. Born in 1933 in Orgon Somon, Dornogovi Aymag,
Sodnom graduated from the Finance and Economics Technical School
in Ulaanbaatar and the Finance and Economics Institute in
Irkutsk, Soviet Union. His professional career concentrated on
economics and planning. From 1963 to 1969, Sodnom was minister of
finance; by 1974 he was chairman of the State Planning
Commission. He became a full Political Bureau member and chairman
of the Council of Ministers (premier) in December 1984,
succeeding Batmonh.
The backgrounds of others serving on the Political Bureau in
1989 were mixed, but they shared a notable emphasis on economics
and state-planning experience. Demchigjabyn Molomjamts, perhaps
the third most influential leader, was minister of finance and
concurrently held key state planning positions. Altangerel was
concurrently the first deputy premier. Colonel General
Jamsrangiyn Dejid a former minister of public security, was
concurrently a party secretary. Namsray, a former aide to
Tsedenbal and a journalist, was elected to the Political Bureau
in June 1984, just before Tsedenbal's retirement in August.
Candidate Political Bureau members Bandzragchiyn Lamjab and
Sonomyn Lubsangombo represented different, but critical, career
specialties. Lamjab concurrently served as chairman of the Party
Control Commission. Lubsangombo, an urban development specialist,
was chairman of the State Building Commission and deputy chairman
of the Council of Ministers (or, deputy premier).
Data as of June 1989
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