MongoliaForeign Relations
Soviet Union
Detail of mosaic dedicated to MongolianSoviet unity, Ulaanbaatar
Courtesy Steve Mann
In the late 1980s, the close relationship between Mongolia
and the Soviet Union was much the same as it had been since the
1920s. Mongolian foreign policy stressed consolidating the
"fraternal alliance" with the Soviet Union and close cooperation
with the members of the Warsaw Pact and Comecon. The two
countries had direct links among ministries, agencies,
departments, and party organizations. The Soviet Union encouraged
direct contacts between Mongolia and the Buryatskaya Autonomous
Soviet Socialist Republic and Tuvinskaya Autonomous Soviet
Socialist Republics as well as the Central Asian Soviet
republics. By 1985 the Soviet Union had consulates in the cities
of Choybalsan; Darhan, where many Soviet-built factories were
located; and Erdenet, the site of a Mongolian-Soviet joint copper
and molybdenum mining enterprise
(see Industry
, ch. 3). In August
1988, the only Mongolian ambassadorships with incumbents serving
concurrently on the party Central Committee were assignments to
countries of major concern to the Soviet Union: Albania,
Afghanistan, East Germany, and Finland. The Mongolian ambassador
to the Soviet Union also served on the party Central Committee.
When Batmonh became general secretary of the Mongolian
People's Revolutionary Party, an event followed closely by
Gorbachev's election as general secretary of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union, the two leaders pledged to uphold and to
strengthen the Mongolian-Soviet alliance. Gorbachev's "new
thinking" in foreign policy matters soon became evident, however,
and it no doubt raised major concerns, on the part of Mongolian
leaders, particularly regarding a warming of relations between
the Soviet Union and China. Soviet foreign minister Eduard
Shevardnadze visited Mongolia from January 23 to 25, 1986,
shortly after celebrations marking the twentieth anniversary of
the signing of the 1966 Mongolian-Soviet Treaty of Friendship,
Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance and its extension for ten
years. Shevardnadze said that "the period of strained
relationships with China is now behind us. The Soviet Union is
for normalizing and improving relations with the Chinese republic
on condition that the principle of not harming third countries be
observed." One clear purpose of the Soviet formula of "not
harming third countries" was to reassure Mongolia that the Soviet
Union did not plan initiatives toward China that would compromise
or endanger Mongolia's national security or expose that country
to Chinese encroachments.
In July 1986, Gorbachev extended the new direction in foreign
affairs in a speech on Asian security delivered in Vladivostok.
He indicated Soviet interest in improved Moscow-Beijing
relations, and he included a plan to withdraw Soviet troops from
Mongolia, a major factor in Soviet diplomatic initiatives
designed to meet China's conditions for normalization of
relations
(see Threat Perception
, ch. 5).
Shortly after the Vladivostok initiative, Mongolian officials
began talks with United States diplomats concerning another
attempt to improve relations. Ulaanbaatar probably viewed
prospective ties with Washington as offering a greater degree of
maneuverability in the increasingly complex international setting
in Asia. In January 1987, diplomatic ties were established with
the United States, and the Soviet Union announced its intention
to withdraw one division of troops from Mongolia. Both actions no
doubt were the subject of lengthy substantive talks between
Soviet and Mongolian leaders.
Mongolia further broadened its diplomatic horizons by hosting
delegations from twenty-one communist and workers' parties for
the Consultative Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties of
Asia and the Pacific Region, the first regional gathering of this
type, in July 1986. The theme of this meeting was "peace,
security and good-neighborly cooperation in Asia and the Pacific
region." By hosting this meeting, Ulaanbaatar served Moscow's
purposes of underscoring Gorbachev's new interest in Asia--
further highlighted by the attendance of a high-powered Soviet
delegation. China declined to send a delegation, claiming that
conditions were "not ripe," and the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea (North Korea) did not attend either, probably as a
gesture to China.
As Mongolia expanded its contacts in the international
community, Gorbachev continued to extend his Asian initiatives, a
development directly affecting Mongolia's national interests. In
a speech delivered on September 16, 1988, at the southeastern
Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk, Gorbachev presented a seven-point
program designed to enhance security in the Asia-Pacific region
and to promote his view of a multipolar approach to resolving
issues in foreign relations. The so-called Krasnoyarsk initiative
indicated both Soviet intentions to play a major role in the
region and its awareness that China also must be included in
regional development plans. Observers speculated that the Soviets
must have expended considerable effort in reassuring Mongolian
leaders that Soviet proposals dealing with East Asia,
particularly those involving China, did not threaten Mongolian
national security.
The challenge for Mongolia's foreign policy makers was to
comply with Soviet initiatives, about which they had little
choice, but to do so in a manner that suggested that Mongolia was
acting as an independent country, shaping a foreign policy that
served its national interests. At the same time, the Soviet Union
could not appear to be overlooking the interests of its ally
Mongolia while making its overtures to China. This mild
restriction on Soviet behavior had helped to reassure Mongolia
that continued Soviet protection and strategic support were
reliable. In any case, Mongolian compliance with the Soviet
initiatives was evident in Gorbachev's address to the United
Nations (UN) General Assembly on December 7, 1988. In it he
announced that most Soviet troops stationed in Mongolia would be
withdrawn. Subsequently, in February 1989, during talks between
Batmonh and a Soviet deputy foreign minister, the latter
explained that discussions to resolve questions connected with
"the withdrawal from the territory of Mongolia of 75 percent of
Soviet land forces and other military subunits would soon begin."
On March 7, 1989, the Soviets announced, probably as an
additional concession to China on the eve of the May 1989 SinoSoviet summit, that withdrawal plans had been finalized.
Data as of June 1989
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