Peru ASPECTS OF FAMILY LIFE
Unavailable
Figure 6. Estimated Population by Age and Sex, 1990
El Agustino, a northern Lima district and "young town"
(pueblo joven)
Courtesy Inter-American Development Bank
Uru children (descendants of the Lupacas) in a totorareed hut on Lake Titicaca's floating island
Courtesy
Much has been said about kinship and family in Latin
America.
The "Peruvian family" is of course not a homogeneous
entity, but
rather reflects both ethnic and socioeconomic factors. If
there
is a generalization to be made, however, it is that
families in
Peru, no matter what their status, show a high degree of
unity,
purpose, and integration through generations, as well as
in the
nuclear unit. The average size for families for the nation
as a
whole is 5.1 persons per household, with the urban areas
registering slightly more than this and, contrary to what
might
be expected, rural families, especially in the highlands,
being
smaller, with a national average size of 4.9 persons. This
apparent anomaly runs counter to the expected image of the
rural
family. This is because the highland families that
constitute the
bulk of rural households have been deeply affected by the
heavy
migration of their members to the cities, coastal farms,
and
Selva colonizations.
The roles of the different family members and sexes
tend to
follow rather uniform patterns within social class and
cultural
configurations. In terms of family affairs, Hispanic
Peruvian
patterns are strongly centered on the father as family
head,
although women increasingly occupy this titular role in
rural as
well as urban areas, amounting to 20 percent of all
households.
As is the pattern in other countries, women have
increasingly
sought wage and salaried work to meet family needs. This,
coupled
with the fact that social and economic stress has forced a
departure from the traditionally practiced versions, the
patriarchal family is gradually losing its place as the
model of
family life. Contributing to these changes are the
neolocality of
nuclear families living in cities and the loss of male
populations in rural areas through migration and various
povertyrelated conditions that lead men to abandon their
families.
Families are patricentric, and the male head of household
is
considered the authority. His wife follows him in this
respect,
yet exercises considerable control over her own affairs
with
respect to property and marketing. This gender and lineage
hierarchy is to be seen as families walk single-file to
market,
each carrying their bundles, the husband leading the way,
followed by his wife and then the children.
In many Quechua communities, the ancient kinship system
of
patrilineages (called kastas in some areas)
survives. It
is thought to have been the basis for the Incaic clan
village,
the
ayllu (see Glossary).
In a patrilineal system, wives
belong to their father's lineage and their children to
their father's side of the family tree. This differs from the
Hispanic system, which is bilateral, that is, including one's
mother's kin as part of the extended family, as in the British system.
Where the native Americans follow a patrilineal system, families
are at once at odds with the formal requirement of Peruvian law,
which demands the use of both paternal and maternal names as
part of
one's official identity, thus forcing the bilateral
pattern on
them.
In many Hispanic mestizo homes, fathers often exercise
strong
authoritarian roles, controlling the family budget,
administering
discipline, and representing the group interest to the
external
world. Mothers in these homes, on the other hand, often
control
and manage the internal affairs in the household,
assigning tasks
to children and to the female servant(s) present in
virtually
every urban middle- and upper-class home. For children
school is
de rigueur, and the more well-to-do, the more certain it
is that
they attend a private school, where the educational
standards
approach or equal good schools in other countries. The
home is
prized and well-cared for, with patios and yards protected
by
glass-studded walls and, in recent years, by electrical
devices
to keep out thieves.
The lower-class household in the urban areas--such as
Lima,
Trujillo, or Arequipa--presents the other side of this
coin. In
metropolitan Lima, 7 percent of the population lives in a
tugurio (inner-city barrio) and 47 percent in a
squatter
settlement. The older pueblos jovenes erected in
the 1950s
had the look in 1990 of concrete middle-class permanency,
with
electricity, water, and sewerage. The newer invaded areas,
however, had a raw and dusty look: housing appeared
ramshackle,
made of bamboo matting (esteras) and miscellaneous
construction materials scrounged from any available
source. Here,
as in the tugurios, the domestic scene reveals a
constant
scramble for existence: the men generally leave at the
crack of
dawn to travel via long bus routes to reach work sites,
often in
heavy construction, where without protective gear, such as
hard
hats or steel-toed shoes, they haul iron bars and buckets
of
cement up rickety planks and scaffolding. With an
abundance of
men desperate for work, modern buildings are raised more
with
intensive labor than machinery.
Women's roles in the squatter settlements cover a wide
variety of tasks, including hauling water from corner
spigots and
beginning the daily preparation of food over kerosene
stoves. In
the 1975-91 period, the food supply for substantial
numbers of
the urban lower class in Lima and other coastal cities
came from
the United States Food for Peace (Public Law 480) programs
administered by private voluntary organizations. Women
also keep
their wide-ranging family members connected, seeking the
food
supply with meager funds, and doing various short-term
jobs for
cash. According to social scientist Carol Graham, the poor
urban
areas have a high percentage of female-headed households,
as well
as a large number of abandoned mothers who are left with
the full
responsibility for supporting their households and raising
the
children.
Data as of September 1992
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