South Korea The Defense Security Command
Infantry mobile training exercise
Courtesy Ministry of National Defense, Republic of Korea
It was Syngman Rhee, not the military, who initiated the
political involvement of the military in intelligence activities.
The turning point came in 1952 when Rhee proclaimed martial law--
and the presence of military police in the chamber of the
National Assembly guaranteed passage of the constitutional
amendment he sought over the objections of a recalcitrant
legislative branch and still-independent judicial branch.
Throughout Rhee's administration, two military units--the Joint
Military Provost Marshal and the army Counterintelligence Corps
(CIC)--engaged in extralegal and violent political tactics,
apparently not excluding the outright murder of politically
undesirable people. Although the details never were disclosed
fully, more than a few minor political figures' disappearances
were connected to the two units.
Under Park, the provost marshal's political role declined,
while the CIC and its successor, the Army Security Command (ASC),
concentrated on internal military security. The CIC/ASC, which
was under Park's direct control, maintained strict surveillance
over all high-ranking officers. It acted as a deterrent to wouldbe coup leaders. It tried, less successfully, to prevent the rise
of disruptive factions within the military.
The Defense Security Command was formally activated in
October 1977. This merger of the Army Security Command, the Navy
Security Unit, and the Air Force Office of Special Investigations
produced a single, integrated unit under the direct command and
operational control of the minister of national defense. Although
technically subordinate to the minister, the DSC commander
operated semiautonomously and typically had personal, direct
access to the president. Given the disparity in service size, the
old ASC predominated within the DSC. The strength of the DSC
varied over time within a probable range of 5,000 to 7,000 people
during the 1980s.
The DSC (and its predecessors) was created to deal with the
real question of loyalty within a military on a divided
peninsula. It was inspired by the Guomindang model, in which
political officers monitored the military services for subversion
or disloyalty. The DSC was responsible for monitoring the
military for loyalty; safeguarding military information;
monitoring domestic political, economic, and social activities
that might jeopardize military capabilities and national unity;
maintaining defense industrial security--both physically and in
terms of counterespionage; countering North Korean infiltration;
detecting espionage and anticommunist law violations; and
conducting special investigations at the direction of the
president.
The DSC assigned small elements to all major military units
to monitor security and loyalty. These elements operated outside
the unit's chain of command and performed a highly effective
independent audit function. The DSC representatives never rivaled
unit commanders as political officers occasionally had in
communist military units. Their input into officer evaluations,
however, often played a decisive role in career progression,
giving DSC members influence far beyond their rank and producing
friction between them and the "regular" military. Corruption
within the DSC was difficult to verify, but political
manipulations, misappropriation of operating funds, and undue
influencing of promotions certainly occurred and were
particularly rampant in the mid- to late 1970s.
For most of the Park regime, the ASC/DSC remained concerned
primarily with internal military matters and was involved in the
Yun P'il-yong incident in 1972 and removing the army chief of
staff, General Yi Se-ho, in 1979 for corruption. Yun P'il-yong,
head of the Capital Garrison Command, was court martialed, along
with several close followers, on charges of bribery and
corruption. His "real" offense, however, was creating a faction
among the classes of the four-year graduates of the Korea
Military Academy. Yun's faction did not disappear when he was
purged. The group of young officers, who called themselves the
"Hanahoe," (One Mind Society), had its origins in an alumni
group, the Taegu Seven Stars, of seven young officers, including
Chun Doo Hwan and Roh Tae Woo, from the first graduating class of
the Academy (Class 11). The Hanahoe evolved into a group of some
200 members through ten graduating classes. In 1979 and 1980,
Chun drew on the Hanahoe in his ascent to power. The irony of
Park's death at the hands of his KCIA chief in 1979, however, was
compounded by the rise to power of the commander of the DSC, then
Major General Chun Doo Hwan, who used the military's anticoup
apparatus to ensure the success of his own coup
(see The Chun Regime
, ch. 1).
During and following Chun's rise to power, the DSC greatly
expanded its charter into domestic politics and during the early
1980s was, perhaps, the dominant domestic intelligence service.
The DSC was "credited" with masterminding the media
reorganization of 1980 and with being the midwife for the first
political parties of the Fifth Republic. Many former DSC members
played prominent roles in Chun's administration and in the ruling
Democratic Justice Party.
The end of the Fifth Republic brought the DSC under even more
pressure than the ANSP to cut back on its domestic political
activities. Both the DSC and the ANSP withdrew from the National
Assembly at the same time in 1988. In October 1988, Minister of
National Defense O Cha-bok reported to the National Assembly that
the DSC would concentrate on counterespionage activities,
preventing the spread of communism, conducting "relevant
research," major restructuring, and would discontinue the
investigation of civilians. Subsequently, the DSC eliminated the
Office of Information that had been charged with collecting
information on civilians, whose members had been active in local
government offices. As a result of this move, 116 small
detachments were disbanded, and the DSC announced plans to cut
860 personnel, or 14 percent of its 1990 strength. Additionally,
the DSC curtailed its involvement in security screening of
nonmilitary government personnel. An official of the DSC claimed
that surveillance of politicians was turned over to "another
agency." Given the historically broad interpretation of national
security threats espoused by DSC personnel, however, many
analysts doubted that the DSC had totally disengaged from
domestic political surveillance. Despite the democratic trends of
the late 1980s, intelligence and security agencies still were
populated by individuals who were both institutionally and
personally loyal to the president and ready to use any means at
their disposal to support him.
Data as of June 1990
|