Thailand INTERNAL SECURITY SYSTEM
Unavailable
Figure 20. Organization of the Thailand National Police
Department.
Touring Laotian border front in late 1970s, from left
Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn,
and King Bhumibol Adulyadej
Courtesy Royal Thai Embassy
King Bhumbibol Adulyadej meeting with hill tribespeople
participating in crop substitution program
Courtesy Royal Thai Embassy
The concept of public order founded on the supremacy of law
has long been stressed in Thailand as a necessary prerequisite to
internal security and the achievement of national development
goals. For the most part, Thai governments, in accordance with
constitutional provisions, have dealt with matters of public
order through a comprehensive system of statutory law enforced by
a professional police force. Some exceptions have occurred during
periods of martial law, which has been declared to control
dissidence perceived as a threat to public safety. In such times,
summary justice at the hands of the police and the army has
stressed expediency in a way that has drawn criticism from human
rights advocates throughout the world.
One of these periods of martial law occurred after the bloody
October 1976 coup d'etat, which brought to power the military
junta known as the National Administrative Reform Council (NARC)
and Thanin Kraivichien as prime minister
(see
Military Rule and Limited Parliamentary Government, 1976-83
, ch. 4). The regime
abolished the 1974 constitution and ruled by decree and martial
law. During the following year the government issued a series of
decrees known as NARC orders. These restrictive measures were
instituted following the brutal suppression of leftist student
demonstrations at Thammasat University by police-supported and
ultra-right vigilante gangs, such as the Red Gaurs (Red Bulls)
and the Nawa Phon, or New Force
(see Thailand in Transition
, ch.
1).
Most of the NARC orders applied to activities neither covered
by the criminal code nor under the jurisdiction of the
established system of criminal courts. The orders were enforced
by arbitrary arrests of people suspected of communist leanings;
long-term detention or imprisonment, often without charge or
trial; and summary execution of major offenders. Military courts
had authority to try those defendants who were allowed a hearing,
but the right of appeal was denied. The government also imposed
press censorship, revoking the publication licenses of newspapers
that criticized government activities.
One of the most repressive of the decrees--NARC Order
22--defined nine categories of offenses, six involving criminal
violations and three identifying political activities that
"endanger society." The political offenses were defined as
"instigating confusion," advocating political systems other than
those headed by the king, and undertaking labor strikes. The
decree stated that political detainees could be held for thirty
days and could subsequently be required to attend democracytraining schools for periods as long as three months. These
schools, operated under the government's reeducation program,
provided lectures on democracy and Thai national institutions.
Some NARC orders were retained by the Kriangsak regime
immediately after it gained power in 1977 by ousting Thanin, but
they were gradually phased out during conciliation efforts that
led to adoption of the new Constitution in December 1978.
In early February 1979, the National Assembly unanimously
adopted the new Anti-Communist Activities Act, which had
universal application throughout the country. Later in the month
martial law was temporarily lifted as the government prepared for
the national elections to be held in April. In August NARC Order
22 was abolished, and the government revealed that nearly 12,000
people had been detained or imprisoned indefinitely under the
decree's provisions since its imposition in October 1976. All who
were still incarcerated solely on "danger to society" charges
were granted amnesty and released. Although these actions drew
favorable responses from some human rights critics, others saw
continuing problems in the criminal justice system under the
Anti-Communist Activities Act of 1979.
The Anti-Communist Activities Act gave Thai security forces
authority to search suspected individuals and establishments at
any time without a court warrant and to detain suspects for a
maximum of 480 days. Moreover, the act gave provincial governors
and regional military commanders broad powers to control the
activities of local populations by imposing curfews, banning
demonstrations and meetings, confiscating mail, monitoring
telephone conversations, and reviewing business employers'
personnel files. Human rights organizations, such as Amnesty
International and the Union of Democratic Thai, regarded the new
act as tantamount to a state of martial law. Most provisions of
the Anti-Communist Activities Act were not enforced in the late
1980s because insurgent activities had been virtually eliminated.
Most of the other aspects of arbitrary justice gave way to
safeguards assured by the Constitution. Although laws mandating
harsh sentences for certain major crimes remained, they were
infrequently implemented.
Data as of September 1987
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