Turkmenistan
Social Structure
Although it is not a basis for political groupings, the rather
vague phenomenon of tribal identity is a complex social phenomenon
that retains important influence at the end of the twentieth century.
The Soviet era added an element of cohesion to a previously loose
and unassertive set of social loyalties among Turkmen.
Social Classes
Turkmen society recognizes a class structure, ideologically
based on Marxist doctrine, composed of intelligentsia, workers,
and peasants. In practical terms, the intelligentsia and peasantry
consist of Turkmen, while the worker class is the domain of Russians.
Power and some wealth are associated with the Western-oriented
intelligentsia, who hold the key positions in government, industry,
and education. Most intelligentsia are educated in Russian language
schools, often complete higher educational institutions in Russia,
speak Russian as their language of choice, and are concentrated
in urban centers, especially in Ashgabat.
Although many members of the intelligentsia favor cultural revival,
more support restricting nationalist manifestations and the role
of Islam in society. Many who are atheists and have identified
with Soviet ideals harbor anxieties that distance from traditional
values and especially from the Turkmen language will limit their
career potential in the post-Soviet era.
Kinship
Before the Soviet period, the Turkmen were organized into a
segmentary system of territorial groups that Western scholars
loosely designate as tribes. These groupings featured little sharp
social stratification within or strong unity among them. Tribal
structure always has been complex, and the Turkmen-language terminology
used to designate lineage affiliation sometimes is confusing.
Generally, the largest groupings, which may be equivalent to what
Western scholarship labels "tribes," are called khalk
, il , or taipa in Turkmen. Smaller lineage
groups are equivalent to Western terms like "clans," "subtribes,"
or "branches." The smallest affiliations are equivalent to subclans
or lineages in Western terminology.
In the past, Turkmen tribes remained relatively isolated and
politically independent from one another. All tribes possessed
specific distinguishing features. Their dialects differed greatly,
and in terms of material culture each large tribe had a unique
carpet pattern, clothing, headgear, and brand of identification.
Although Soviet nationality policy was somewhat successful in
diluting tribal consciousness, tribal identity remains a factor
in present-day social relations. Except in such urban areas as
Chärjew and Ashgabat, virtually all Turkmen have a knowledge of
their parents' and consequently their own tribal affiliation.
A Turkmen's tribal affiliation still is a reliable indicator of
his or her birthplace, for example. Lineage still may play a role
in the arranging of marriages in rural areas. In Soviet Turkmenistan,
the membership of collective and state farms often was formed
according to clan and tribal affiliation. Although kinship undoubtedly
retains significance in contemporary Turkmen society, attempts
to use tribal affiliation as the determining factor in such realms
as current politics usually are not instructive.
Until the Soviet period, the Turkmen lacked paramount leaders
and political unity. The Turkmen rarely allied to campaign against
sedentary neighbors, nor did they form a unified front against
the Russian conquest. Unlike other Central Asian peoples, the
Turkmen recognized no charismatic bloodline. Leaders were elected
according to consensus, and their authority was based on conduct.
Raids and other military pursuits could be organized by almost
any male, but the power he exercised lasted only as long as the
undertaking. Turkmen tribal structure did include a leader or
chief (beg ), but these positions, too, were mostly honorary
and advisory, based on kinship ties and perceived wisdom. Real
power was located among the community's older members, whose advice
and consent usually were required prior to any significant endeavor.
Although women rarely assumed prominent political rank and power,
there were instances of influential female leaders in the nineteenth
century.
The Family
Prior to Soviet rule, the extended family was the basic and
most important social and economic unit among the Turkmen. Grouped
according to clan, small bands of Turkmen families lived as nomads
in their traditional regions and consolidated only in time of
war or celebration. In most cases, the families were entirely
self-sufficient, subsisting on their livestock and at times on
modest agricultural production. For some groups, raiding sedentary
populations, especially the Iranians to the south, was an important
economic activity.
Although Soviet power brought about fundamental changes in the
Turkmen family structure, many traditional aspects remain. Families
continue to be close-knit and often raise more than five children.
Although no longer nomadic, families in rural areas still are
grouped according to clan or tribe, and it is the rule rather
than the exception for the inhabitants of a village to be of one
lineage. Here, also, it is common for sons to remain with their
parents after marriage and to live in an extended one-story clay
structure with a courtyard and an agricultural plot. In both rural
and urban areas, respect for elders is great. Whereas homes for
the elderly do exist in Turkmenistan, Turkmen are conspicuously
absent from them; it is almost unheard of for a Turkmen to commit
his or her parent to such an institution because grandparents
are considered integral family members and sources of wisdom and
spirituality.
The marriage celebration, together with other life-cycle events,
possesses great importance in Turkmen society. In rural areas
especially, marriages are often arranged by special matchmakers
(sawcholar ). Aside from finding the right match in terms
of social status, education, and other qualities, the matchmakers
invariably must find couples of the same clan and locale. Most
couples have known each other beforehand and freely consent to
the marriage arrangement. Divorce among Turkmen is relatively
rare. One important custom still practiced in Turkmenistan is
the brideprice (kalong ). Depending on region and a family's
wealth, the bride's family may demand huge sums of money from
the groom in return for the bride's hand in marriage.
The role of women in Turkmen society has never conformed to
Western stereotypes about "Muslim women." Although a division
of labor has existed and women usually were not visible actors
in political affairs outside the home, Turkmen women never wore
the veil or practiced strict seclusion. They generally possessed
a host of highly specialized skills and crafts, especially those
connected with the household and its maintenance. During the Soviet
period, women assumed responsibility for the observance of some
Muslim rites to protect their husbands' careers. Many women entered
the work force out of economic necessity, a factor that disrupted
some traditional family practices and increased the incidence
of divorce. At the same time, educated urban women entered professional
services and careers.
Data as of March 1996
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