Nicaragua The Somoza Era, 1936-74
Somoza García controlled political power, directly as
president or indirectly through carefully chosen puppet
presidents, from 1936 until his assassination in 1956. A
cynical
and opportunistic individual, Somoza García ruled
Nicaragua with
a strong arm, deriving his power from three main sources:
the
ownership or control of large portions of the Nicaraguan
economy,
the military support of the National Guard, and his
acceptance
and support from the United States. His excellent command
of the
English language and understanding of United States
culture,
combined with a charming personality and considerable
political
talent and resourcefulness, helped Somoza García win many
powerful allies in the United States. Through large
investments
in land, manufacturing, transport, and real estate, he
enriched
himself and his close friends.
After Somoza García won in the December 1936
presidential
elections, he diligently proceeded to consolidate his
power
within the National Guard, while at the same time dividing
his
political opponents. Family members and close associates
were
given key positions within the government and the
military. The
Somoza family also controlled the PLN, which in turn
controlled
the legislature and judicial system, thus giving Somoza
García
absolute power over every sphere of Nicaraguan politics.
Nominal
political opposition was allowed as long as it did not
threaten
the ruling elite. Somoza García's National Guard repressed
serious political opposition and antigovernment
demonstrations.
The institutional power of the National Guard grew in most
government-owned enterprises, until eventually it
controlled the
national radio and telegraph networks, the postal and
immigration
services, health services, the internal revenue service,
and the
national railroads. In less than two years after his
election,
Somoza García, defying the Conservative Party, declared
his
intention to stay in power beyond his presidential term.
Thus, in
1938 Somoza García named a Constituent Assembly that gave
the
president extensive power and elected him for another
eight-year
term.
Somoza García's opportunistic support of the Allies
during
World War II benefited Nicaragua by injecting desperately
needed
United States funds into the economy and increasing
military
capabilities. Nicaragua received relatively large amounts
of
military aid and enthusiastically integrated its economy
into the
wartime hemispheric economic plan, providing raw materials
in
support of the Allied war effort. Exports of timber, gold,
and
cotton soared. However, because more than 90 percent of
all
exports went to the United States, the growth in trade
also
increased the country's economic and political dependence.
Somoza García built an immense fortune for himself and
his
family during the 1940s through substantial investments in
agricultural exports, especially in coffee and cattle. The
government confiscated German properties and then sold
them to
Somoza García and his family at ridiculously low prices.
Among
his many industrial enterprises, Somoza García owned
textile
companies, sugar mills, rum distilleries, the merchant
marine
lines, the national Nicaraguan Airlines (Líneas Aéreas de
Nicaragua--Lanica), and La Salud dairy--the country's only
pasteurized milk facility. Somoza García also gained large
profits from economic concessions to national and foreign
companies, bribes, and illegal exports. By the end of
World War
II, Somoza García had amassed one of the largest fortunes
in the
region--an estimated US$60 million.
After World War II, however, widespread domestic and
international opposition to the Somoza García dictatorship
grew
among political parties, labor, business groups, and the
United
States government. Somoza García's decision to run for
reelection
in 1944 was opposed by some liberals, who established the
Independent Liberal Party (Partido Liberal
Independiente--PLI).
Somoza García's reelection was also opposed by the United
States
government. The dictator reacted to growing criticism by
creating
a puppet government to save his rule. He decided not to
run for
reelection and had the PLN nominate the elderly Leonardo
Argüello, believing he could control Argüello from behind
the
scenes. Argüello ran against Enoc Aguado, a candidate
supported
by a coalition of political parties that included the
conservatives and the PLI. Despite the large support for
the
Aguado candidacy, Somoza García subverted the electoral
process
by using government resources and the National Guard to
ensure
the electoral victory of his candidate. Argüello was sworn
in on
May 1, 1947, and Somoza García remained as chief director
of the
National Guard.
Argüello had no intention of being a puppet, however,
and in
less than a month, when Argüello's measures began to
challenge
Somoza García's power, the National Guard chief staged a
coup and
placed a family associate, Benjamín Lacayo Sacasa, in the
presidency. The administration of United States president
Harry
S. Truman responded by withholding diplomatic recognitions
from
the new Nicaraguan government. In an effort to legitimize
the new
regime and win United States support, Somoza García named
a
Constituent Assembly to write a new constitution. The
assembly
then appointed Somoza García's uncle, Víctor Román Reyes,
as
president. The constitution of 1947 was carefully crafted
with
strong anticommunist rhetoric to win United States
support.
Despite efforts by Somoza García's to placate the United
States,
the United States continued its opposition and refused to
recognize the new regime. Under diplomatic pressure from
the rest
of Latin America, formal diplomatic relations between
Managua and
Washington were restored in mid-1948.
Despite its anticommunist rhetoric, the government
promoted
liberal labor policies to gain support from the communist
party
of Nicaragua, known as the Nicaraguan Socialist Party
(Partido
Socialista Nicaragüese--PSN) and thwarted the
establishment of
any independent labor movement. The government approved
several
progressive laws in 1945 to win government support from
labor
unions. Concessions and bribes were granted to labor
leaders, and
antigovernment union leaders were displaced in favor of
Somoza
García loyalists. However, after placement of pro-Somoza
García
leaders in labor unions, most labor legislation was
ignored. In
1950 Somoza García signed an agreement with conservative
general
Emiliano Chamorro Vargas that assured the Conservative
Party of
one-third of the congressional delegates as well as
limited
representation in the cabinet and in the courts. Somoza
García
also promised clauses in the new 1950 constitution
guaranteeing
"commercial liberty." This measure brought back limited
support
from the traditional elite to the Somoza García regime.
The elite
benefited from the economic growth of the 1950s and 1960s,
especially in the cotton and cattle export sectors. Somoza
García
again was elected president in general elections held in
1950. In
1955 Congress amended the constitution to allow his
reelection
for yet another presidential term.
Somoza García had many political enemies, and coups
against
him were attempted periodically, even within the National
Guard.
For protection, he constructed a secure compound within
his
residence and kept personal bodyguards, independent of the
National Guard, with him wherever he went. Nevertheless,
on
September 21, 1956, while attending a PLN party in León to
celebrate his nomination for the presidency, Somoza García
was
fatally wounded, by Rigoberto López Pérez, a
twenty-seven-year-
old Nicaraguan poet, who had managed to pass through
Somoza
García's security. The dictator was flown to the Panama
Canal
Zone, where he died eight days later.
Somoza García was succeeded as president by his eldest
son
Luis Somoza Debayle. A United States-trained engineer,
Luis
Somoza Debayle was first elected as a PLN delegate in 1950
and by
1956 presided over the Nicaraguan Congress. After his
father's
death, he assumed the position of interim president, as
prescribed in the constitution. His brother Anastasio
"Tachito"
Somoza Debayle, a West Point graduate, took over
leadership of
the National Guard. A major political repression campaign
followed Somoza García's assassination: many political
opponents
were tortured and imprisoned by guards under orders from
Anastasio Somoza Debayle and the government imposed press
censorship and suspended many civil liberties. When the
Conservative Party refused to participate in the 1957
elections--in protest of the lack of freedom imposed by
the
regime--the Somoza brothers created a puppet opposition
party,
the National Conservative Party (Partido Conservador
Nacional--
PCN), to give a democratic facade to the political
campaign. Luis
Somoza Debayle won the presidency in 1957 with little
opposition.
During his six-year term, from 1957 to 1963, his
government
provided citizens with some freedoms and raised hopes for
political liberalization. In an effort to open up the
government,
Luis Somoza Debayle restored the constitutional ban on
reelection.
In 1960 Nicaragua joined El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Honduras
(Costa Rica joined later) in the establishment of the
Central
American Common Market (CACM--see Appendix B). The main
objective
of the regional economic group was to promote trade among
member
countries. Under this partnership, trade and manufacturing
increased, greatly stimulating economic growth.
Furthermore, in
the international political sphere, Luis Somoza Debayle's
anticommunist stance won government favor and support from
the
United States. In 1959 Nicaragua was among the first
nations to
condemn the Cuban Revolution and to accuse Fidel Castro
Ruz of
attempting to overthrow the Nicaraguan government. The
Luis
Somoza Debayle government played a leading role in the Bay
of
Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961, allowing the Cuban exile
brigade
to use military bases on the Caribbean coast to launch the
failed
maneuver.
Trusted friends of the Somoza family held the
presidency from
1963 until 1967. In 1963 René Schick Gutiérrez won the
presidential election; Somoza García's younger son,
Anastasio
Somoza Debayle, continued as chief director of the
National
Guard. Shick gave the appearance of following the less
repressive
programs of Luis Somoza Debayle. President Schick died in
1966
and was succeeded by Lorenzo Guerrero Gutiérrez.
When poor health prevented Luis Somoza Debayle from
being
a candidate, his brother Anastasio ran in the 1967
presidential
election. To challenge the candidacy of Anastasio Somoza
Debayle,
the conservatives, the PLI, and the Christian Social Party
(Partido Social Cristiano-PSC) created the National
Opposition
Union (Unión Nacional Opositora-UNO). The UNO nominated
Fernando
Agüero as their candidate. In February 1967, Anastasio
Somoza
Debayle was elected president amidst a repressive campaign
against opposition supporters of Agüero. Two months later,
Anastasio's brother Luis died of a heart attack. With his
election, Anastasio Somoza Debayle became president as
well as
the director of the National Guard, giving him absolute
political
and military control over Nicaragua. Corruption and the
use of
force intensified, accelerating opposition from populist
and
business groups.
Although his four-year term was to end in 1971,
Anastasio
Somoza Debayle amended the constitution to stay in power
until
1972. Increasing pressures from the opposition and his own
party,
however, led the dictator to negotiate a political
agreement,
known as the Kupia-Kumi Pact, which installed a
three-member
junta that would rule from 1972 until 1974. The junta was
established in May 1972 amidst opposition led by Pedro
Joaquín
Chamorro Cardenal and his newspaper La Prensa.
Popular
discontent also grew in response to deteriorating social
conditions. Illiteracy, malnourishment, inadequate health
services, and lack of proper housing also ignited
criticism from
the Roman Catholic Church, led by Archbishop Miguel Obando
y
Bravo. The archbishop began to publish a series of
pastoral
letters critical of Anastasio Somoza Debayle's government.
On December 23, 1972, a powerful earthquake shook
Nicaragua,
destroying most of the capital city. The earthquake left
approximately 10,000 dead and some 50,000 families
homeless, and
destroyed 80 percent of Managua's commercial buildings.
Immediately after the earthquake, the National Guard
joined the
widespread looting of most of the remaining business
establishments in Managua. When reconstruction began, the
government's illegal appropriation and mismanagement of
international relief aid, directed by the Somoza family
and
members of the National Guard, shocked the international
community and produced further unrest in Nicaragua. The
president's ability to take advantage of the people's
suffering
proved enormous. By some estimates, his personal wealth
soared to
US$400 million in 1974. As a result of his greed,
Anastasio
Somoza Debayle's support base within the business sector
began to
crumble. A revived labor movement increased opposition to
the
regime and to the deteriorating economic conditions.
Anastasio Somoza Debayle's intentions to run for
another
presidential term in 1974 were resisted even within his
own PLN.
The political opposition, led by Chamorro and former
Minister of
Education Ramiro Sacasa, established the Democratic
Liberation
Union (Unión Democrática de Liberación--Udel), an
opposition
group that included most anti-Somoza elements. The Udel
was a
broad coalition of business groups whose representation
included
members from both the traditional elite and labor unions.
The
party promoted a dialogue with the government to foster
political
pluralism. The president responded with increasing
political
repression and further censorship of the media and the
press. In
September 1974, Anastasio Somoza Debayle was reelected
president.
Data as of December 1993
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