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Philippines Political Role
The military exerted a strong influence on political life
during the early 1990s. Observers generally agreed that the armed
forces' unprecedented rebelliousness was rooted in the AFP's
political role in the Marcos era. Although the military
historically had a symbiotic relationship with Philippine
politicians, the martial law era (1972-81) produced tremendous
growth in the AFP's political role. The growing insurgent
challenge spurred rapid growth in the AFP and increased the
military's involvement in politics as deployed units worked with
local governments to combat the rebels and military tribunals
dispensed justice in insurgent-affected areas. As a result, AFP
officers became important power brokers at all levels of society,
and favored officers were given key government positions or
placed on the boards of state-run companies
(see The Inheritance from Marcos
, ch. 4).
As popular opposition to Marcos grew in the wake of the 1983
Aquino assassination, the president increasingly relied on the
military as his principal power base. Marcos concentrated power
in the hands of General Fabian Ver who, as military chief of
staff and head of the National Intelligence and Security
Authority, ensured that critical positions were filled by
officers unquestionably loyal to the president. Ver's family and
protégés and other ethnic Ilocanos were advanced, often at the
expense of better qualified candidates. Lieutenant General Fidel
V. Ramos, vice chief of staff and later Aquino's chief of staff
and secretary of national defense, pointed to political
manipulation of the armed forces as a key factor in his decision
to break with Marcos in February 1986.
The RAM was openly critical of Marcos's politicizing of the
AFP. Nominally led by Colonel Gregorio Honasan, RAM consisted
mostly of graduates of the prestigious Philippine Military
Academy, many from Honasan's class of 1971. RAM officers first
gained wider public attention in 1985 when, at an academy alumni
parade, they openly protested before Marcos and AFP leaders. The
officers called for military reforms that would address the
problems of favoritism, incompetence, and corruption in senior
leadership. Later, these reformists played a key role, along with
Ramos and Enrile, in initiating the
People's Power (see Glossary)
Revolution that brought Corazon Aquino to power
(see From Aquino's Assassination to People's Power
, ch. 1).
Following the change of government, Enrile, reappointed to
head the Ministry of National Defense, and new Chief of Staff
General Ramos undertook a series of internal reforms designed to
professionalize the renamed New Armed Forces of the Philippines.
(After one year, in 1987, the military reverted to its former
name, Armed Forces of the Philippines.) Twenty-two generals,
whose retirements Marcos had postponed, were quickly dismissed
along with other senior officers perceived as Marcos loyalists.
In an effort to reduce the armed forces' involvement in
government, officers assigned to positions outside the armed
forces were recalled. The 1987 Philippine constitution
permanently bars retirement extensions, military service in
civilian positions, and military personnel's involvement in
politics. A widespread program of reeducation and retraining was
initiated to instill professional values at all levels.
Despite government efforts, the military did not "return to
the barracks," at least not for long. During Aquino's first four
years, military elements repeatedly rebelled
(see Civil-Military Relations
, ch. 4). The first rebellion occurred in July 1986,
only five months after the president took office. Several hundred
Marcos supporters backed Arturo Tolentino, who had been Marcos's
vice presidential running mate in the February election, in a
takeover of the elegant Manila Hotel. Following calls for
Marcos's return to the presidency, the mutineers surrendered and
were punished with fifty push-ups. Later in 1986, RAM officers--
seen as heroes of the February revolution--again emerged as a
political force. Rampant rumors of an imminent RAM coup in
November led the president to dismiss Enrile, who was seen as the
RAM leaders' mentor. Aquino also dismissed several "leftists"
from her cabinet in an apparent response to military critics.
Military rebellions continued in 1987, culminating in a coup
attempt that seriously threatened Aquino's presidency. On January
27, Marcos loyalists struck again, seizing a Manila television
station and some military targets. Although the government
quickly contained the rebellion, holdouts did not surrender until
four days later. During April, a smaller group of military rebels
briefly occupied the Philippine army headquarters in what became
known as the Black Saturday rebellion. The mutineers surrendered
within hours.
On August 28, RAM launched the most serious coup attempt up
to that time. In Manila Honasan led hundreds of troops in attacks
on television stations, Villamor Air Base, and the Malacañang
Palace. The palace assault failed, and rebel forces eventually
rallied at Camp Aguinaldo where they seized the AFP General
Headquarters. Military rebels also seized several military camps
around the country in simultaneous revolts. The coup collapsed
after the first day, and Honasan escaped with several hundred
followers. Many believed the coup came perilously close to
success.
Underlying the RAM move was deep-seated military
dissatisfaction with the government and the belief among military
officers that they sometimes had an obligation to intervene in
the nation's political life. Reformist leaders complained that
the Aquino government was critical of the military and unfairly
lenient toward the communists. They called for further reform of
the government and military and for a more effective
counterinsurgency program. A poll of military officers prior to
the August coup attempt showed broad support for RAM's grievances
and substantial support for its tactics. More than 75 percent of
those polled blamed political incompetence and corruption for NPA
growth. Almost all supported a military role in national
development, and almost half thought the AFP might have to seize
political power to prevent a communist takeover. Following the
revolt, the Aquino government responded to some military
complaints by improving military pay and benefits.
More than two years passed before RAM acted again, this time
with the support of several generals, some Marcos loyalists, and
a shadowy new military group called the Young Officers' Union.
This long and bloody coup attempt began on December 1, 1989, when
rebels launched a series of attacks in Manila and seized a major
air base in Cebu. Elite marine and army Scout Ranger units
briefly held parts of the army and air force headquarters and
Manila's Ninoy Aquino International Airport before moving against
Camp Aguinaldo. Although the attack on the armed forces
headquarters failed, rebels seized part of Manila's Makati
financial district and bombed the presidential palace grounds.
United States warplanes from Clark Air Base overflew rebel bases
in a show of support for the president, but they did not fire on
the mutineers. The Makati standoff ended on December 7 with the
negotiated surrender of the Scout Rangers, and the Cebu rebellion
collapsed two days later. Nearly 100 people died in the fighting,
and more than 600 people were injured.
The shadow of the 1989 coup attempt and threat of further
military unrest hung over much of 1990. Perceived political
instability discouraged investors and contributed to an economic
downturn, and frequent coup rumors and Manila bombings attributed
to military rebels fueled several serious coup scares in the
capital. Within the rebel movement, the Young Officers' Union's
younger, more radical idealists emerged as a growing force. The
group's public statements portrayed them as social
revolutionaries. Meanwhile, a presidentially appointed panel
investigated the 1989 coup and its causes. The Davide Commission
concluded that, although many complaints of the military were
legitimate, a hidden agenda--a desire for the power and privilege
that the military enjoyed under Marcos--animated the rebel
movement.
Data as of June 1991
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