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Caribbean Islands POPULATION
In the 1980s, Trinidad and Tobago was ethnically diverse and
was experiencing a renewed period of relatively rapid population
growth. According to the 1980 national census, Trinidad and
Tobago's population was 1,079,791; of that total, 96 percent lived
on the island of Trinidad, predominantly on the west coast. Interim
estimates by the national government in 1985 and 1986 placed the
population at 1,176,000 and 1,199,000, respectively. Average annual
population growth in the 1980s, adjusted for migration, was 1.5
percent; it was 1.6 percent in 1985 and 2 percent in 1986.
Population density in 1986 was estimated at 234 people per square
kilometer.
Trinidad and Tobago's population in the 1980s illustrated the
society's diverse cultural influences acquired during the colonial
period and included descendants of emigrants from Europe, Africa,
Asia, and the Middle East. Population growth in the late eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries was the result of colonial powers
importing unskilled labor to work the plantations. This was
initially accomplished with African slaves, who were later replaced
by indentured servants from India (and to a lesser extent China)
following emancipation.
Trinidad and Tobago was also a leading destination of
intraregional migration. From 1870 until 1910, an estimated 65,000
workers migrated to Trinidad and Tobago from British possessions in
the Windward Islands and in other regions, contributing to
approximately one-third of total population growth. Immigration to
Trinidad and Tobago decreased in the twentieth century because of
the discontinuation of indentured servitude and the expansion of
other regional economies; as a result, population growth slowed
during the first third of the century.
After 1930 mortality rates were drastically reduced by improved
health and sanitation facilities. This caused the annual population
growth rate to surge to an average of nearly 3 percent until 1960,
a level that was for the first time considered detrimental to
social development. The first privately run health clinic was
established in the late 1950s, and initial efforts to enact a
comprehensive family planning program were enormously successful at
reducing population growth. By 1967 a nationally funded family
planning program had been organized under the Ministry of Health,
and the National Population Council coordinated both private and
public clinics. By the late 1970s, about 95 percent of the female
population was aware of contraceptive alternatives, and average
annual population growth was reduced to slightly above 1 percent.
As contraception became commonly accepted, family size shrank from
an average of six children in the 1950s to fewer than three in the
early 1980s.
The dominant ethnic groups in the 1980s were those of African
(referred to as blacks) and Indian (known as East Indians) descent;
the 1980 census revealed that nearly 80 percent of the population
was almost evenly split between the two groups. Only 1 percent of
the population was classified as white, and the pure Chinese
element represented no more than 0.5 percent of the population; the
remainder comprised mixed racial and ethnic elements, including
small numbers of Portuguese, Syrians, and Lebanese.
Blacks by and large have adopted the European way of life.
Although East Indians considered themselves culturally superior,
blacks maintained a slightly privileged position in society because
of their earlier arrival. Status within this group was determined
by the shade of one's skin. The lightest-toned blacks traditionally
were associated with the elite members of the social hierarchy.
Although East Indians represented the largest nonblack element
in contemporary society, they were still accorded an inferior
status and maintained their own social and religious customs. In
the 1980s, East Indians made some strides at becoming more
influential members of society, including accession to ministerial
positions in government. Nevertheless, complete interaction with
blacks still had not occurred.
Ethnic and cultural characteristics remained complicated
components of society in the 1980s. Although a stratified social
structure was passed on from the British, the society was not
defined strictly along class lines. Numerous studies have
demonstrated that Trinidadians have consistently differentiated
themselves and their place in society based on their ethnic
affiliation. To the extent that well-defined economic class
distinctions may be made, there was a distinct lack of cohesion
within each class. Although the major ethnic groups were
represented in all classes of society, an informal ranking was also
common within each class. Generally, blacks attained a preferred
position at all levels within the stratified class framework, which
led to a disunity in class structure. For example, it was observed
that the protests of 1970, which were designed to force change
throughout society, were unable to unify black and East Indian
elements. In fact, the failure of the Black Power movement, as it
became known, to effect more sweeping reforms was attributed in
part to an inability to mobilize other segments of the population
(see Political Dynamics, this ch.). Although there has been little
overt racial disharmony, social stratification remained as much a
cultural phenomenon as a socioeconomic one.
Religious distinctions in society paralleled the diverse
cultural influences. According to the 1980 census, 33 percent of
the population considered themselves Roman Catholics, including a
large portion of the black population. Early Spanish and French
influences were the principal reasons for the preponderance of
Catholic worship. The East Indian population contained both Hindus
and Muslims, who represented 25 percent and 6 percent of the total
population, respectively. The British influence was also noticeably
present, with 15 percent of the population claiming membership in
the Anglican Church. Other religious affiliations included the
Baptist, Methodist, and Pentecostal churches and also non-Christian
sects, such as Rada and Shango.
By the mid-1980s, the national government had identified three
disturbing demographic trends: excessive population growth,
regional migration imbalances, and a gradual shift in the
population toward urban centers. High fertility rates, which were
curtailed in the 1970s, appeared to be a problem again in the mid1980s . The increased number of births indicated that an annual
population growth rate of between 1.5 and 2 percent was again a
long-term possibility. Some researchers have theorized that fears
that one of the two principal ethnic groups would attain numerical
superiority over the other prodded both to procreate at higher
levels. The detrimental effects of high birth rates motivated the
government to redouble its birth control efforts through existing
programs, primarily by increasing public awareness of the burden of
excessively large families on both individuals and society.
Government concerns were also directed at mitigating the
effects of regional migration imbalances. Immigration of unskilled
workers had been a problem for decades. The 1980 census estimated
that 17,000 foreign persons had entered Trinidad and Tobago since
1970, mostly from neighboring Caribbean countries. Furthermore, the
United Nations suggested that this number might be as much as 50
percent short of the real total because of misleading reporting.
Emigration of skilled workers has also been a problem. Although the
government actively supported emigration of unskilled workers, it
had not developed a policy to entice educated and trained personnel
to remain on the island. The so-called "brain drain" was addressed
through pleas to nationalism, particularly to those who completed
training and education with government subsidies. This migration
imbalance was considered a significant factor contributing to
welfare and unemployment problems.
By the mid-1980s, Trinidad and Tobago had become an urbanized
society with approximately one-half of the population living in or
near cities; this number was expected to grow to 65 percent by the
year 2000. Urban areas had expanded beyond the ability of local
governments to provide essential services to all: in addition,
overcrowding was already taxing the limits of existing physical
infrastructure. The development of new, smaller urban groups
centered on untapped oil fields was a popular policy alternative.
The construction of so-called "petro-poles" was seen as a means of
alleviating urban stress as well as a necessary condition for
further development of the economy.
Data as of November 1987
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