|
China The Cadre System
In 1987 the party and government cadre (ganbu) system,
the rough equivalent of the civil service system in many other
countries, was entering the final stages of a massive overhaul
aimed at transforming the bureaucracy into an effective instrument
of national policy. The term cadre refers to a public
official holding a responsible or managerial position, usually full
time, in party and government. A cadre may or may not be a member
of the CCP, although a person in a sensitive position would almost
certainly be a party member.
In an August 1980 speech, "On the Reform of the Party and State
Leadership System," Deng Xiaoping declared that power was
overcentralized and concentrated in the hands of individuals who
acted arbitrarily, following patriarchal methods in carrying out
their duties. Deng meant that the bureaucracy operated without the
benefit of regularized and institutionalized procedures, and he
recommended corrective measures such as abolishing the bureaucratic
practice of life tenure for leading positions. In 1981 Deng
proposed that a younger, better educated leadership corps be
recruited from among cadres in their forties and fifties who had
trained at colleges or technical secondary schools.
The theme of "streamlining and rejuvenating" the bureaucracy
was taken up by Zhao Ziyang in early 1980 when he announced a major
overhaul of the government. The number of vice premiers was reduced
from 13 to 2, State Council agencies were cut by almost half, and
the number of ministers and vice ministers was reduced from 505 to
167. The new appointees were younger and better educated than their
predecessors. In January 1982 Deng called for a "revolution" in the
bureaucracy, starting with its top levels. At that time, Deng
envisioned reducing the size of the government bureaucracy by onequarter over a two-year period. By retiring veteran cadres, the way
could be opened for promoting younger, professionally competent
cadres to positions of authority and thereby providing the
effective leadership needed for China's modernization. In May 1982
the Central Committee reorganized and streamlined its internal
structure by cutting staff in its 30 component departments by 17.3
percent. Subordinate bureaus were reduced by 11 percent. Almost
half of the CCP Central Committee elected in September 1982 were
new members, and 83 percent of the alternate members were newly
elected.
Reorganization of the provincial-level party and government
structures took place between late 1982 and May 1983. During this
period, almost one-third of the provincial-level party first
secretaries and all but three of the governors were replaced, most
of them moving into advisory positions. Almost two-thirds of
provincial-level leaders in 1986 were college or university
educated. During 1983 and 1984, these reforms reached the
prefectural, county, municipal, and town levels, reportedly
resulting in a reduction in staff of 36 percent and an elevation in
the percentage of college educated leaders to 44 percent.
Simultaneous with restructuring and rejuvenating the
bureaucracy, a drive was begun to improve the party's working style
and consolidate party organizations. The Second Plenum of the
Twelfth Central Committee, held in October 1983, initiated such a
program for the years 1984-86. Some 388,000 party members
participated in the first stage of party rectification. These
included high- and middle-ranking cadres in 159 leading organs in
the central departments, provinces, autonomous regions, special
municipalities, and PLA. This phase of the campaign lasted over a
year and was accompanied by the recruitment of 340,000 technicians
and 32,000 college and university graduates and postgraduates into
the CCP. In addition, a campaign was launched to ferret out
residual leftist influence from the Cultural Revolution period,
factionalism, and corruption. Discipline inspection committees were
reinstituted. Three kinds of party members were singled out as
special targets: followers of the
Gang of Four (see Glossary) or of
Lin Biao, factionalists, and persons who "beat, smashed, and
looted" during the Cultural Revolution. These members were to be
expelled from the party. Lesser offenders requiring correction
included party members with bureaucratic or patriarchal attitudes,
those seeking personal power and position, and those inept or lazy
in their work.
The principal objective of the reform leadership was to
establish a system of steady, predictable rule through the creation
of a professional bureaucracy. An important aspect of the program
was personnel reform. Guidelines were issued that set age limits
for key offices. A limit of sixty-five years of age was imposed for
government ministers, sixty for vice ministers and department
chiefs, and, for all other officials, sixty for men and fifty-five
for women. The effect of this key reform was to bring to an end the
lifetime tenure system that had been fundamental to China's
bureaucracy since 1949. There was the additional stipulation that
officeholders in the reconstructed bureaucracy be qualified both
politically and professionally, that is, be both "red" and
"expert." The reorganization and streamlining of provincial-level
party and government bureaucracies followed the same procedures,
including reducing the staff sizes and number of offices, lowering
the average age, and raising the educational requirements for
candidates for provincial-level leadership. These changes were
considered essential to providing for a "third echelon" of leaders.
This group could serve in positions of some authority, where they
could be trained, observed, and evaluated as to their suitability
for increased responsibility. Below the central level, the chosen
age for leaders at the level of provinces, autonomous regions, and
special municipalities was fifty-five; at the county level, between
thirty and fifty years.
The second stage of party rectification, having the same goals
as the first stage, began in the fall of 1984 and encompassed
prefectural and county-level units. This stage involved some 13.5
million cadres, or about one-third of the party's membership. The
third and final stage of the three-year party rectification
campaign was launched in November 1985 and targeted party units
"below the county level." This stage encompassed almost 20 million
party members, about half the total membership of the party. These
members belonged to the more than 1 million party branches
throughout the rural areas. The campaign worked from the higher to
the lower level organizations and proceeded methodically "in stages
and groups." But while party pronouncements at previous stages of
the rectification had complained about the perfunctory manner in
which the campaigns were being managed, at this final stage the
central authorities displayed notable leniency and caution. They
feared that extensive restructuring and rebuilding of the local
leadership had the potential to disrupt both production and social
order. Even in cases of embezzlement, graft, and other "unhealthy
practices," the party counseled circumspection and the employment
of moderate measures. Subjecting local leaders to condemnation at
mass meetings, a practice prevalent during the Cultural Revolution,
was strictly forbidden.
In sum, the "revolution" being carried out in the bureaucratic
structures of power was meant to reorient the system away from the
style, procedures, and excesses of the Cultural Revolution and
toward the most efficient and potentially successful methods for
China's modernization. This reorientation required the massive
retirement of veteran cadres and the recruitment of those
knowledgeable in modern economics and technology to be trained in
leadership positions. It was an enormous task and one that
obviously met significant resistance from those who either did not
understand the new requirements or saw them as a substantial threat
to their position and livelihood. Nevertheless, in early 1987 the
reform leadership appeared to be making very credible strides at
fulfilling these goals.
Data as of July 1987
|
