China Chapter 12. Foreign Relations
IN THE 1980s CHINA pursued an independent foreign policy,
formally disavowing too close a relationship with either the United
States or the Soviet Union. The stated goals of this policy were
safeguarding world peace, opposing all forms of hegemony, and
achieving economic modernization at home. Chinese statements
repeatedly emphasized the interrelation among these goals. In other
words, China needed a peaceful international environment so that
adequate resources could be devoted to its ambitious development
plans for the rest of the twentieth century. The goal of economic
modernization was a driving force behind China's increasingly
active participation in world affairs, exemplified by its policy of
opening up to the outside world, which greatly expanded Chinese
economic relations with foreign countries. As part of what it
called an "independent foreign policy of peace," Beijing had joined
numerous international organizations, and it maintained diplomatic
relations with more nations than at any time since the founding of
the People's Republic of China in 1949. By mid- 1987, China had
diplomatic relations with 133 nations, and--in contrast with
earlier periods--was willing to interact with governments of
different social systems or ideologies on a basis of peaceful
coexistence and mutual respect.
Although Chinese foreign policy since 1949 has had distinctive
characteristics, the forces that shape Beijing's foreign policy and
many of its overall goals have been similar to those of other
nations. China has sought to protect its sovereignty and
territorial integrity and to achieve independence of action, while
interacting with both more powerful and less powerful countries. As
with most other nations, Beijing's foreign relations have been
conditioned by its historical experiences, nationalism and
ideology, and the worldview of its leaders, as well as by the
governmental structure and decision-making process. At times
China's domestic policies have had wide-ranging ramifications for
its foreign policy formulation.
Another characteristic Chinese foreign policy has had in common
with that of many other countries is that the actual conduct of
foreign relations sometimes has been at odds with official policy.
Beijing's stress on ideology and principles in its official
statements at times makes the contrast between statements and
actions particularly noticeable. In addition, a nation's leaders
must often make decisions in reaction to events and circumstances,
rather than simply formulating a rational foreign policy based on
their goals. The need to react to what has happened or what may
happen adds an element of unpredictability to foreign policy
decision making, as has been the case at several crucial junctures
in Chinese foreign relation since 1949.
In addition to the aspects of foreign policy formulation and
implementation that China has in common with other countries,
China's foreign policy from 1949 to the late 1980s has had these
characteristics: contrast between practicality and adherence to
principles; fluctuation between militancy and peacefulness; tension
between self-reliance and dependence on others; and contrast
between China's actual and potential capabilities. These
contradictory characteristics have created a confusing picture of
Chinese foreign policy: is Chinese foreign policy basically
pragmatic or primarily based on principles and ideology? Is China
peace-loving or intent on fomenting world revolution? Is China's
ultimate goal to be self-sufficient or economically interdependent
with the rest of the world? And is China basically a poor,
developing country that is at most a regional power or actually a
nascent economic and military giant deserving of superpower status?
The response to these questions is that since 1949 Chinese
foreign policy has reflected all of these contrasting features.
Beijing has emphasized principles and ideology above everything
else in foreign relations, especially during the 1950s and 1960s,
but Chinese leaders have also shown a practical side that gave them
the flexibility to change policies, sometimes drastically, when
they deemed it in China's best interest. One of the most dramatic
changes was the shift from an alliance with the Soviet Union
against the United States and Japan in the 1950s to an explicitly
anti-Soviet policy and rapprochement with Japan and the United
States in the 1970s. Since 1949 Chinese foreign policy has
fluctuated between periods of militancy, for example during the
Cultural Revolution (1966-76), when China called for worldwide
revolution, and periods when Beijing has been a chief proponent of
peaceful coexistence among nations, such as during the mid-1950s
and again during the 1980s. How self-reliant or dependent on others
China should become in order to modernize has been a constant
dilemma in Chinese policy since the nineteenth century. As this
policy fluctuated, Chinese foreign relations have alternated
between a tendency toward isolation and periods of openness to
foreign assistance and influence. Finally, the contradiction
between China's actual capabilities since 1949 and its perceived
potential has been another salient and distinctive feature of its
foreign relations. China's tremendous size, population, natural
resources, military strength, and sense of history have placed it
in the unusual position of being a poor, developing country that
has often been treated as a major global power having a special
relationship with the United States and the Soviet Union.
Data as of July 1987
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