El Salvador National Security
Salvadoran Army recruit
IN THE POST-COLONIAL, PRE-COFFEE ERA of the early nineteenth
century, incipient army and police forces emerged primarily for
the purpose of protecting the expanding indigo plantations
(fincas) and controlling the rural population. In return
for these services, a large landowner would assume the role of
quartermaster or patron (patron) for his contingent of
troops. Consequently, the interests of the military and
paramilitary forces became closely identified with those of the
economic elite.
The army developed gradually, aided in the late nineteenth
century by the French military and in the first half of the
twentieth century by other European and Chilean military
influences. Spain played an important role in establishing the
National Police and the National Guard in the World War I period.
After seizing power in 1931, the military continued to do the
oligarchy's bidding, as exemplified by its brutal suppression of
a communist-led peasant insurrection in 1932, an event that
became known as la matanza (the massacre). For the next
five decades, the military--in league with the large landholding
interests--controlled El Salvador's political system through
repression, rigged elections, and coups. The military allowed
moderate social and economic reforms, however, depending on which
of its liberal or conservative factions was in power. During the
1931-70 period, in which seven of nine military coup attempts
succeeded, eight of the nine presidents were army officers. The
one civilian president in that period served only four months
before being replaced by an officer. The military presidents
ruled with the tacit consent of the oligarchy. Although this
informal alliance favored maintenance of the general status quo,
it provided the country with four decades of comparative
political stability and moderate social reforms.
Reformist military officers tried unsuccessfully on several
occasions--such as in 1960 and 1972--to take control of the
military and the government in order to end military corruption
and repression, as well as to establish moderate reforms and
democratic institutions. Hoping to avoid a Nicaraguan-style
guerrilla war, reformist field grade and junior officers
(colonels, majors, captains, and lieutenants) deposed the
repressive and corrupt regime of General Carlos Humberto Romero
Mena on October 15, 1979, and established a civil-military
government. Under United States prodding, the military eventually
stepped aside and allowed a transition to democratic rule.
Until the 1980s, the army's primary mission had been to
defend the nation from external aggression. By 1981, after El
Salvador signed a peace agreement with Honduras formally ending
the 1969 war and the newly organized Farabundo Marti National
Liberation Front launched a large-scale guerrilla offensive, the
army's mission focused primarily on counterinsurgency. The
Salvadoran military had to reorient itself, changing from a
conventional force that was organized, trained, and equipped to
defend the country against a traditional foreign rival, Honduras,
into a more aggressive military capable of waging a
counterinsurgency war against elusive guerrillas supported by
Cuba, Nicaragua, and other communist or radical states. For
assistance in combating the insurgency, the military relied
almost totally on the United States. Although massive United
States military assistance had averted a victory by the rebels,
the conflict remained stalemated in late 1988, and peace talks
between the government and the rebels--numbering between 6,000
and 8,000 armed combatants--were still at an impasse. Right-wing
death squad groups were not nearly as active as in the early
1980s, but they continued to make their presence known in 1988 by
killing several dozen individuals involved in human rights groups
or left-wing activism.
Although the Salvadoran military had a long record of
intervening in governmental matters and being arbitrarily
repressive, corrupt, and inefficient, by the late 1980s it had
become a more pragmatic and professional entity that was more
apolitical, more respectful of human rights, and much better
equipped and trained for counterinsurgency. Whereas in the early
1980s the military often disregarded human rights considerations
in its pursuit of the guerrillas, counterinsurgency operations
conducted in the late 1980s under the purview of the civilian
government of President Jose Napoleon Duarte Fuentes were
characterized by a general commitment to respect the human rights
of Salvadoran citizens and conduct the war in a more humanitarian
manner. For example, in compliance with Duarte's directive
regarding the use of aerial fire support, the Salvadoran Air
Force was careful to avoid indiscriminate bombing. Whereas mass
killings as a result of indiscriminate attacks by the military
were frequent in the early 1980s, they were rarely reported in
the late 1980s. Moreover, the military had made no attempt to
stage a coup against the Duarte government as of the last quarter
of 1988, despite its lack of enthusiasm for Duarte's policies in
dealing with the guerrillas.
The political violence of the 1980s further debilitated El
Salvador's historically weak criminal justice system. Politically
motivated homicides, in particular, were rarely investigated or
brought to trial. Although the Duarte government tried to uphold
the rule of law and reform the system, acts of vengeance and
vigilantism had become rampant because of a lack of public
confidence in the court system.
Data as of November 1988
|