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Seychelles FOREIGN RELATIONS
Officials characterize the nation's foreign policy as
one of
"positive nonalignment," under which the country pursues
an
active and independent course in the conduct of its
international
relations. Seychelles is a member of the United Nations
(UN) and
a number of related agencies, including the IMF. It is
also a
member of the Commonwealth, which has assisted it in
transition
to multiparty democracy; the Organization of African Unity
(OAU);
and the Nonaligned Movement. In 1984 Seychelles became
linked
with Mauritius and Madagascar in the Indian Ocean
Commission
(IOC); later joined by Comoros and France on behalf of
Reunion,
the IOC seeks to promote economic cooperation in the
region and
expand interisland trade.
Although the René government often has sided with the
more
radical members and causes of the Nonaligned Movement,
neither
the positions taken nor the radical rhetoric in which they
were
expressed have been allowed to interfere with essentially
pragmatic decisions directly affecting the nation's
interests.
Seychelles is particularly active in promoting the concept
of the
Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, campaigning for the
removal of
all foreign powers and bases in the region. It is
committed to
seeking the end of the United States naval presence on
Diego
Garcia, an island territory of Britain situated about
1,900
kilometers east of Mahé. In a spirit of solidarity with
the more
radical states of the nonaligned spectrum, Seychelles has
pursued
political ties with the German Democratic Republic (East
Germany), Libya, Cuba, Iraq, and the Democratic People's
Republic
of Korea (North Korea). It has supported the former Soviet
Union
on such controversial issues as its invasion of
Afghanistan.
Seychelles also seeks to strengthen its relations with
the
littoral nations of the Indian Ocean. Such states include
other
island governments such as those of French-administered
Reunion,
and independent Maldives and Mauritius as well as more
distant
nations such as India, Bangladesh, Tanzania, and Kenya.
India has
been a source of funding for Seychelles projects and in
October
1990 René paid his third visit to the country following
the first
meeting of the Indo-Seychelles Joint Commission. The body
has
continued to meet biennially to discuss common trade,
investment,
and communications matters. In addition, the navies of the
two
countries cooperate. In February 1992, the Seychelles
minister of
education visited Bangladesh to expand bilateral
cooperation in
education, literacy programs, and rural development.
Relations
with the Tanzanian government were especially close during
the
early years of the René regime. Tanzanians had helped
train and
equip the initiators of the coup that brought René to
power, and
Tanzanian advisers had helped establish and train the
Seychelles
People's Liberation Army. With both Tanzania and Kenya,
Seychelles has discussed sharing labor resources and with
Tanzania, the sharing of its EEZ, tourism promotion, and
air
flights.
In a practical sense, Seychelles' links with the
countries of
the West have been much more significant than its
political
kinship with more radical developing countries. Seychelles
has
succeeded in attracting relatively large amounts of aid;
foreign
assistance per capita was US$223 annually in 1975-79,
US$295 in
1980-85, and US$331 in 1985-90. France has been the
leading
donor, providing US$53.9 million in bilateral assistance
between
1982 and 1990, in addition to contributions through the
World
Bank and the EC. Loans placed through the Seychelles
Development
Bank and direct investments are also important. Examples
of
projects France has funded for Seychelles included in 1990
assistance to the television station to promote
broadcasting in
French and provision of devices to improve airport
security.
Britain has been second in total aid, supplying US$26.1
million
in the 1982-90 period. Australia has extended modest
amounts of
aid, primarily in the form of education and training
programs, as
part of its efforts to become more fully engaged in the
Indian
Ocean region. Before the Soviet Union broke up in 1990, it
was a
significant contributor, granting such aid as fuel oil to
assist
in patrolling the EEZ. The relative prosperity of the
islands has
brought a decline in aid from most sources. The British
aid level
had fallen to about US$1.5 million annually in 1991.
In addition to Peace Corps volunteers working in
Seychelles,
United States assistance, which earlier amounted to US$3.3
million annually, was US$1.3 million in fiscal year
(FY--see Glossary)
1993. The preeminent feature of United States-Seychelles
relations over the preceding thirty years was
the United States Air Force satellite tracking station
situated on
Mahé on land leased from Seychelles at US$4.5 million
annually as
of 1993. The Seychelles economy benefits by a further US$5
to
US$6 million annually in local spending linked to the
station.
The facility's complement consists of four uniformed air
force
personnel, about seventy-five civilian contract personnel
who
operate the equipment, and some 175 Seychellois employees.
United
States naval vessels periodically pay calls at Victoria.
Restrictions on British and United States ships carrying
nuclear
weapons had not been enforced since 1983.
Furthermore, Seychelles has sought to promote economic
relations particularly with countries from which it might
receive
loan assistance. For example, it obtained a US$1 million
loan for
elementary education in December 1988 from the OPEC Fund
for
International Development. In August 1990 Seychelles
signed an
agreement on economic and technological cooperation with
China.
The Seychelles government condemned apartheid policies
in
South Africa and joined in the voting in the OAU for trade
sanctions. Although René declared that his government
would take
steps to reduce Seychelles' reliance on South African
products,
South Africa's relatively low prices and short delivery
times
have in fact brought South Africa a growing share of
Seychelles'
trade. In 1991 South Africa accounted for 13.5 percent of
total
imports. Numerous factors combined to curtail tourism from
South
Africa in the early 1980s--the René government's
hostility, the
apparent South African involvement in the 1981 coup
attempt, a
reduction in air links, and the recession in South Africa.
Beginning in 1988, however, tourist arrivals began to
increase
dramatically, climbing to 13,570 in 1993.
As negotiations proceeded to convert to a multiracial
political system in Pretoria, Seychelles modified its
hostile
political stance, agreeing to enter into commercial and
consular
relations in April 1992. South Africa also agreed in
August 1992
to pay compensation of US$3 million for the abortive 1981
coup.
In November 1993 the two countries agreed to establish
relations
at the ambassadorial level.
* * *
The Seychelles: Unquiet Islands by Marcus F.
Franda is
an indispensable introduction to the islands' history and
society, covering political developments until 1982. An
important
sociological study, based on fieldwork in 1974-75, is
Men,
Women, and Money in Seychelles by Marion and Burton
Benedict.
James R. Mancham's Paradise Raped: Life, Love, and
Power in
the Seychelles provides helpful political background
up to
1983. The quarterly reports and annual profile by the
Economist
Intelligence Unit provide a record of current political
and
economic developments. The annual reports of the Central
Bank of
Seychelles contain assessments of the performance of the
various
sectors of the economy and future prospects. Because
relatively
little is published on the Seychelles, the reader must
rely on
such publications as Africa Economic Digest,
Africa
Report, New African, Africa Contemporary
Record, Economist, Indian Ocean
Newsletter,
Marchés tropicaux et méditerranéens, and Africa
Research Bulletin. The United States Department of
State's
annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
contains
brief but useful appraisals of political and social
conditions in
Seychelles. (For further information and complete
citations,
see
Bibliography.)
Data as of August 1994
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